The Next Step: No. 31, January 1983

the next step. Afterayearof war and massunemployment

THE FUTURE:

• International survey The plunge into barbarism •Bermondsey Fight back with the Party No 31 January 1983 IN 1982 BRITAIN went to war in the South Atlantic. The USA carried on its dirty tricks and proxy wars in Latin America. And almost every imperialist power joined Israel in the rape of Lebanon. In Britain the collapse of the manufacturing industry and the squeeze on services continued apace. Last January the official unemployment level crossed three million; now unofficial estimates reckon there are four million plus out of work. While the rich got richer, the poor got even poorer.

Workers who stood up to the Tory attack were defeated.

Rail workers and health workers took strike action, only to be thwarted by their union leaders and the TUC. The miners lost faith in their posturing, manoeuvring leader and voted to keep their heads down.

Yet 1982 provides signposts to a brighter future. Another 12 months of deepening recession confirmed the inability of the capitalist system to overcome the problems of society.

For the majority of British people, capitalism now offers

OURS

FOR THE

TAKING

a future of mass unemployment, militarism and misery.

For the masses of the Third World, capitalism can only bring starvation, terror and genocide. The experience of 1982 shows that there is no alternative...but revolutionary communism. And 1982 weakened some of the barriers to the creation of a different world. In Britain every incident in the class struggle served to expose the role of the leaders of the Labour Party and the trade unions.

When the Government launched its military might against Argentina, the labour bureaucrats backed Britain. When workers went on strike against the Government, the bureaucrats again backed Britain, either openly or by stealth. The labour leaders have proved incapable of fighting the Tories or of defending jobs and living standards. The disintegration of the Labour Party and the crisis of the TUC confirm the urgency of build.

The decay of the old ing a new working class leadership.

order prepares the way for a real alternative.

of the future!

abortion on demand! Women THE STATE does not really need new laws against abortion. It can resist access to abortion in a much less controversial and equally effective way cuts in National Health Service facilities.

In 1969 more than two-thirds abortions were performed on the NHS; last year the proportion was less than half. Cuts and closures in NHS facilities force those women who have enough money, to pay for private Those who lack the ready cash are forced to have babies they don't want.

The cuts that count Gynaecological wards are first to be closed down as a result of public spending cuts. get a hospital bed under the NHS and can't afford one in the private sector have lost their right to abortion without any change in the law. Over the past decade, as abortion has become more and more in accessible for women, a series of attempts to introduce legal curbs on abortion rights has been unsuccessful. James White William Benyon (1977), (1979) - all tried to get private members through bills Parliament formally the availability These measures acted as a focus for antiwoman and pro-abortion prejudice, they had no effect on the facilities. The main success of the legal attacks on abortion was in dictating the terms and restricting the objectives of the feminist and reformist campaigns defence of abortion rights.

Ever since it was first set up as an alliance of feminists and reformists, the National Abortion Campaign has limited its aims to the defence Abortion Act. Thus its activities have largely been defensive responses to the various attempts to amend the Act. Its campaigning has had a predominantly parliamentary centrating on petitioning, letter writing lobbying and MPs. When bills failed, NAC went into mem hers' hibernation. The narrow legislative approach of NAC has blocked any wider defence of women's abortion rights. illusory alternative to fighting for free abortion on demand under the NHS day-care abortion clinics - carries considerable dangers to working class women.

Day-care cover up Day-care abortion centres do have certain advantages. Women needing abortions can be treated without delay and without an overnight hospital stay on diverse other patients. But vantages can only be enjoyed by women who are less than 12 to 13 weeks pregnant.

Women needing a termination after this stage of gestation still need to be admitted to hospital. The advantages to hospital finance and administration are, however, considerable.

Abortion costs are reduced by around two-thirds, less staff are required and hospital beds are not Area Health Authorities day-care abortion centres are introduced not to supplement existing facilities, but as a replacement.

Most have adapted Been ing premises as part 4 the next step, January 1983 through of all abortions. amongst the Women who can't working class (1975), John Corrie to of abortions. but abortion of the 1967 1967 focus,

COL

the private Indeed its programme. In Tower facilities care tor did wards with no special facilities. these ad- For those has to This blocked. For who need ital care. For from existof a cost-cutting Real heedom Real herdom Real fedom Real freedom vital aspect of women's rights. Anne Burton reports.

DANS

'Relative autonomy in motion' - a NAC poster The forces working against women's abortion rights are helped by this sort of confusion Hamlets in East London for example, the introduction of day-care at Mile End hospital simply meant a shift from overnight to daywoapproximately half the men needing abortions in 1980 the area still performed less abortions than neighbouring Hackney which has women who need later abortions the introduction of day centres been a step backward because day centres have been provided as an alterexisting arrangements; vital in-patient facilities have been run down.

Thus in Sheffield for example, all abortions are carried out in day centres, unless there are clearly defined complications.

represents a great saving for the health authorities but a blow for women abortions with full hosp- NAC day-care centres were a progressive development within the NHS, which it helped to promote.

In reality Real freesom Free Lord Robertson of Oakridge failed in his attempt to introduce new legislative restrictions on women's right to abortion through Parliament in December. The feebleness of the opposition, however, has given the anti-abortion lobby increased confidence for a renewed attack on a Forces working

MEN

they have provided a radical facade behind which the government has sued major in

NHS

GUES

women and hence a further restriction on abortion rights. to day-care centres in principle.

want them as well as in-patient facilities not instead of them Broader means narrower Since its hey-day in the campaign against Corrie in 19 A nas quiescence. Last month it called a nationmeeting to face crisis - badly attended national planning funds at an all-time low, contes, local groups winding up. was that NAC had failed because it was too much of a single-issue campaign. As somebody put it, a level of coordination only seems to exist when we are on the defensive'. But how could broadened? For NAC activists, widening the focus of the campaign did not mean relating the fight for abortion rights to other Buy it! £1.95 plus postage (50p UK and Ireland) of aspects liberation. was not want abortions. another step because be conducted free individuals kept silent that they mother it fronts - against abortion rights.

be purfacilities for We have no objection But we need certainly must fallen up to its internal ana leanets The consensus one

NAC

be ing privatisation of not by defending the Act which women's needs. women superaton the struggle for women's It meant pursuing the particular preoccupations of different sections of the existing women's movement. Disabled women argued that their problem winning access to abortions, but persuading doctors that they did not Lesbians too had fight to have children. Others wanted to broaden the campaign into an 'international struggle for reproductive rights, for 'the right to choose' to have babies, to have them at home, and to have them in the squatting position.

In practice NAC's broadening out is back wards. The problem facing women today is that under capitalism in crisis they have no choice about abortion. Abortion is a necessity if women are to play a full role in society. Women are not denied the right to abortion men want to control their bodies, but because women are no longer needed in factories and offices and they can be despatched back to the kitchen sink. The fight for abortion rights cannot demands around empty for individual free choice. It can only be successfully pursued as part of a broad anti-capitalist struggle for women's rights.

Approaching the issue of abortion from the point of view of isolated abstract inevitably leads to concessions to bourgeois prejudices. The recent NAC planning meeting refused to defend the principle of late abortion in relation to the widely publicised case of an aborted foetus which was resuscitated and subsequently fostered. The anti-abortion lobby unscrupulously use (and often manufacture such cases to publicise their cause. But NAC leaders on the spurious grounds did not know whether the actually have the abortion. This sort of reponse may help to recruit anti-abortionists to NAC but no way to defend working class against the offensive all - economic, legal and ideological The real links The fight for free abortion on demand linked to other issues which affect working class women. Women need abortions because childcare facilities are not easily available. Women need abortions because under new DHSS regulations women who cannot provide care for their children if they are offered a job are to be deprived of dole money. Women abortions because of inadequate contraception. There is no choice.

Legalised attacks on abortion rights also be resisted, On December members of the Women's Right to Work Campaign were at the debate on Lord Robertson's amendment.

They disrupted it by throwing condoms on the unsuspecting Lords and shouting for free abortion on demand, and unrestricted access. But this is simply small part of our campaign.

The Women's Right to Work Campaign will be fighting for free abortion on demand by fighting the cuts and fighting the increasabortion facilities, Abortion for inadequate Kate Marshall relates women's oppression today to capitalist society in crisis. Real freedom is a frontal challenge to bourgeois reaction, reformism and traditional feminism. It points the way forward through the fight for a woman's right to work' to a working class strategy for Send cheques/postal orders to Junius Publications, BCM JPLTD, London WC1N 3XX

How James Connolly became an English opportunist In recent years we have become accustomed to the tortuous arguments produced by the Socialist Workers Party to justify its equivocation over the war in Ireland.

A speech by

SWP

leader reprinted in Socialist Worker, 4 December 1982, reaches a new low apologetics for British imperialism.

TONY CLIFF

DOES not tackle problem of how to build an anti-imperialist movement in Britain. This is strange for a party that claims to fight for socialism in the British working class. justifies the SWP's inactivity on the Irish War on the grounds that ment develops to break the impasse in Ireland itself, it will be very mobilise significant people Britain?. Irish workers words, nothing can be Britain 'impasse' in unti is broken. Cliff doesn't explain the logic However, behind his fatalism. note in passing that even his magnanimous promise for the future is meaningless.

Once the 'impasse' in Ireland is overcome, there will be no need for solidarity in Britain. The job anti-imperialists is to contribute to the breaking of the impasse in favour of the liberation movement today, not to make empty promises about the far-off future.

Cliff expert at double-talk. an He notes that, compared with the mass demonstrations against America's involvement in Vietnam, protests against Britain's occupation of Ireland are He replies: "To understand why demonstrations are so tiny you have to start from the Irish Marxist James Connolly' Cliff doesn't quote Connolly's position on tiny demonstrations, but he does cite his views on the need for the Irish working class to emancipate itself and free Ireland from British rule. But what do the tasks of the Irish working class have to do with the responsibilities of antiimperialists in Britain? Nothing you are an opportunist seeking to use the absence of a pure proletarian revolutionary movement in Ireland as an excuse for tiny demonstrations in Britain.

Cliff forgets absence of a workers' movement in Vietnam did not prevent mass demonstrations from taking place in the United States.

But then Cliff is more interested in justifying tiny demonstrations in Britain.

Starting with Keir Hardie Cliff's central message is to blame the conflict between the Loyalist and nationalist communities in Counties for the lack of progress in the anti-imperialist struggle. His solution to this problem is "class unity" Protestant and Catholic workers. There is nothing new in this argument co-thinkers in the Militant Tendency and the Workers Revolutionary Party long harped on this theme. What is novel is Cliff's attempt to use the reputation of James Connolly to back up this approach.

Cuts right one respect — it is useful to 'start with Connolly' to understand the nature of the Irish revolution.

Connolly James argued that it imperialist oppression that religious conflict in Ireland. According to Connolly, British imperialism provided Loyalist workers with special privileges to divide the working class opposition to imperialism.

Tony Cliff, in the SWP's the Cliff 'until a movedifficult numbers of workers or In other done Ireland we should of British tiny. Why? - unless that the enia connection cendancy. Connolly wrote: 'At the the Six - Cliff's have dissecting table) working class unity Was sustained hat in Connolly's time contemptuously: and weaken "The doctrine The benefits which Loyalist workers enjoyed ensured that this section of the working class would fight tooth and nail for the imp- For Loyalist workers, Catholics were the enemy - potential competitors for the scarce resources that were monopolised by the Protestant astime in the industrial world of Great Britain and Ireland the skilled labourer looked down with contempt upon the unskilled and bitterly resented his attempt to get his children taught any of the skilled trades: the feeling of the Orangemen of Ireland towards the Catholics is but a glorified representation on a big stage of the same passions inspired by the same unworthy motives.' (Ireland upon the Unlike Cliff, Connolly considered that was impossible as long as imperialist oppression of Ireland continued. Loyalist workers would have with Catholics while their privileged position was maintained. Cliff's argument was already old - he dismissed it because workers of that Belfast live under the same industrial cond-

IRISH SOLIDARITY OR BRITISH APOLOGY?

SWP

itions as do those of Great Britain, they are therefore subject to the same passions and to be influenced by the same methods of propaganda, is doctrine almost screamingly funny in its absurdity." What for Connolly was an absurdity is for Cliff an article of faith. That is because Cliff starts out, not from Connolly, the Irish revolutionary, but from Keir Hardie, the founding father of British Labourism.

War as a trade union issue Prominent leaders of the British labour from Keir movement have always eated use from the point of view of narrow trade unionism. Their panacea has always been "class unity'. Cliff simply continues this He tradition. argues struggle is the key to Protestant and Catholic three strikes in the past as models for the future. All these appeals to trade unionism and class unity project onto Ireland the pre-occupations However, the Irish question cannot be reduced to an industrial dispute. Irish workers are not only exploited, they also All the peculiarities National vokes resistance. imperialism movement in Britain. unionism. SWP's abstention trade unionism. about class unity Ireland, the problem in only as an afterthought. British the movement. unless British the ruling Hardie on wards Trish troubles' that the *class unity between cites an ene of British reformists. Ireland suffer from national oppression. Britain's domination over Ireland overrides every aspect of political life in the country.

of Ireland, the partition of the country into six and 26 county statelets, the division of the working class into a Loyalist and a nationalist camp, and the bitter war against British imperialism - all demonstrate the centrality of the national question.

oppression inevitably pro- The mounting toll of casualities is a testimony to the ferocity of a war that is now into its fourteenth year. Cliff says nothing about the war. He prefers to deal with economic issues: "The conditions in the Protestant Shankill Road are appalling - even if they are still worse in the Catholic Falls Road'. The conditions of life in Newcastle, Glasgow or Liverpool are not very nice either And for Cliff, the trade unionist, the recipe is always the same - whether in Belfast or Newcastle, the answer is class unity. By ignoring the war and by refusing to take sides, Cliff, the trade unionist becomes Cliff, the apologist for British Slaves in spirit Cliff begins by blaming the Irish for the failure of the left to build a solidarity He ends up by denying the centrality of national opp ression and putting the emphasis on trade Not only does he justify the Irish War, from the he also demands that the Irish liberation movement adopt the tactics of British Socialist Worker falls in line behind Militant, which wants the Irish to pursue their objectives through the Labour Party, and The News Line which also makes pompous declarations Like the bourgeois media which propagates the myths about a religious war in SWP sees the nub of the the bitter sectarian division that divides Protestants and Catholics' The underlying cause of these divisions British imperialism - is mentioned Cliff's speech is an insult to the memory of Connolly. It is also a disservice to the working class. His slavish celebration of trade unionism only confirms prejudices of the British labour Marx argued that the Eng lish prolerariat could never do anything decisive' until it 'makes common cause with the Irish. Marx understood that workers oppose the imperialist domination of Ireland, they will remain tied to the leading strings of classes'. To carry out its historic role, the British working class has to support the cause of Ireland against their own ruling class. A century later the job remains to be completed Cliff's statement that this is not on the agenda is really a message of doom and defeat. Contrast this narrow philistinism with Connolly's breadth of vision: 'Some men, faint-hearted, ever seek Our programme to retouch, And will insist, when'er they speak That we demand too much "Tis passing strange, yet I declare Such statements give me mirth, For our demands most moderate are, We only want the earth.' (1907) Frank Richards the next step, January 1983 5

'Put down your guns and then we'll talk?

Ireland

THE BOMBING

public house at Ballykelly in early December provided an opportunity for the British ruling class to reaffirm its determination to destroy the Irish liberation movement. Parliament congratulated its troops and gave its blessing to the policy of colonial oppression. wing sharpened its knives, liberal or leftopinion pretended wing War was a figment of the imagination.

Peter Jenkins of The Guardian soothed the guilty conscience: *Britain seems largely to have avoided the corrupting effects which might have been expected to flow from a prolonged, unsuccessful and de basingly-violent military involvement. Ireland has not done to Britain what Vietnam did to America, Algeria to France and what living by the sword has done to Israel.' (15 December) While the man who won the hearts of the British left with his mild criticisms of Thatcher's position continued his flattery of British imperial- WHICH HAND of the Sinn Fein is he shaking - the one with the ballot box, or the one with the Armalite rifle?' the question Tory MP for That was Basildon, Harvey Benn in the debate on Emergency Powers 9 December. It was a question the Member for Bristol South not answer. Benn was one MPs who voted against renewal of the Act. Why? In the debate, Benn said that Partition denied self-determination to people, and that the troops could not solve the problem. But what had Benn to say about those fighting for Irish self-determination against an enemy occupation? I detest the use of violence and want to see it end.' Benn was pushing a line that is currently popular in the Labour left. It is that the armed struggle of Irish people, and the republican movement's itical success do not have that to do with each the seats Sinn Fein won, Ken Livingstone has been contrasting "terrorists'. But the Labour left has got it wrong.

6 the next step, January 1983

LIVINGSTONE AND THE IRA

ism, of the Droppin Well the ed to ialism While the right peace! that the Irish o ostacie - TO als prove for these communists. Ken stand: over the Malvinas Meanwhile in Parliament of the support Ireland. The Proctor asked Tony the 'men of violence. East could of the few Labour from now on. John Biggs-Davison the matter: the Irish by other means.' 'either/or. fight on both fronts. Benn's and talk about taking electoral, 'polinued oppression much condemning other. Impressed with them with the our left left pleaded for sanity and compromise. Inevitably the people expectshow sanity and compromise are those fighting against British imper- The Morning Star demanded that 'the talking must begin.

Why? Because it sees the struggle of the liberation movement as the obstacle to "The Morning Star does not agree with the Provisionals. Their terror campaign is a major uniting the Irish working class itself, and to forging unity in struggle with the British working class.' (8 December) Not British imperialism, but the Provisionto be the 'major obstacle" Livingstone and Steve Bundred follow the same tradition. In their press statement released in the aftermath of the Ballykelly bombings they explained their We are horrified at last night's violence which adds even more unnecessary deaths to The vote for Sinn Fein was largely because IRA enjoy in ELdE 'political' activity ot the republican movement is another aspect of the same struggle that is being waged by The Benns and Livingstones have seen 'legitimate', 'political' and especially 'nonviolent' success for the republican movement. That is how they want things to be On 9 December, the right-wing Tory got to the heart of Terrorism, like war, is politics pursued For Irish people, it is not a question of They have no choice but to sympathy with Irish unity 'political' settlements the side of the Irish people fighting for freedom means one thing in practice: support for the contof Ireland. Loudly 'terrorism', Benn also 'supports* Irish freedom. He is perpetrating one of the myths most dear to the Labthat Ireland's freedom can come about without a British defeat.

Mike Wall the two and a half thousand killed since the present troubles began. We will make it clear at our meeting with Sinn Fein next Tuesday - as Michael Foot asked us - that the Labour Party is utterly opposed to violence. These further killings confirm our view of the desperate need for a political solution which can end the violence of the last 13 years.'

Livingstone, like the wants a political solution. But a solution that is based on the renunciation violence by the republican would represent the victory of imperialist violence. During the month of December while right-wing bigots and left-wing hypocrites the merits of talking to Sinn debated Fein, there many to protest against the oppressive policies of British imperialism. have protested against the Prevention of Terrorism Act and its application against the Fein delegation Sinn open debate. On 9 December Westminster The non-visit THE FOURTEENTH of December was the day that the Sinn Fein delegation was meant to have started its visit in London. Thanks to the British state the Fein Sinn delegates were from Britain. The Tory leadership breathed a sigh of relief - there was no major protest against this blatant censorship of the republican movement's views.

Labour Party caved in and its left wing the Greater London Council spent time disassociating more violence than arguing for the right of the delegates to come to Britain.

The Tories clearly logical arguments, and with the Labour Party out of the way, they turn 14 December into anti-Irish day. On the previous day the murdered two unarmed men in Armagh.

But news of this act of state terror was squeezed out by the pronouncement that a bombing campaign was about to start London. The timing London's evening Standard led the way its front page carried a picture of Irish fugitive Dominic McGlinchy with the prominent headline PUBLIC ENEMY case you missed the No 1. In the editor issued a sombre warning: 'Once again the Christmas decorations and Christmas lights will be set against the dark renewed the on IRA violence. Morning Star, violence of the we fully movement need is we up a new of imperialism. opportunities The left could to prevent 'excluded" anew or the The by -ponce itself from climate of fear. won the ideoment decided to outside the forces security not welcome this perfect. was passed Two police inspector point coercive Emergency Provisions Act for Northern Ireland.

Where were all the British socialists? The implementation of the RUC/SAS shoot to kill policy in Armagh scarcely raised a murmur in Britain. But everyone on the British left seemed to have strong views The IFM is also against violence - the That's why oppressor. support the struggle for Irish freedom. Let the hypocrites talk. What our action to help ruling class. For too long the British bosses have got away with their war of oppression. It is time that British workers opened front in the very heartland Pat Roberts

STANDARD E

PUBLIC

ENEMY

No. 1... backcloth of a security screen round London.

Shops, offices, MPs, big firms have been warned threat from the IRA and the INLA, (ine standara, 14 December) Slick media propaganda was supplemented road blocks to build up a protest against this campaign of hysteria and the exclusion of the Sinn Fein delegates, the Irish Freedom Moveorganised lunchtime picket Home Office. From the start the police made it clear that it did initiative. The area wagons and the was ringed by police street was saturated by uniformed and plain-clothes men. Despite constant harassment the picket ahead. went half an hour of shouting slogans had before we reached the Metropolitan Police's threshold of tolerance.

wagons pulled up and an threatened to arrest anyone who remained on the picket. The picket was a small gesture but at least anti-Irish day in London did not go unchallenged Mick Kennedy

Heathfield - a bitter defeat Brother, where's your passport?

THE HEATHFIELD STRIKE is over. On 4 December Gerry McMullen, the GMWU's regional told the organisel, workers in Slough they had reached the end of the road. Nothing more could be done to get their jobs back better accept the settlement the union had agreed with arbitration body ACAS an average of £400 each). The response of one striker was typical.

"The union has sacked us', said Islam, a middle-aged worker who knows he may never have a job again. Seven months on the picket line, and the Heathfield workers feel completely betrayed.

Bureaucratic inertia The Heathfield sell-out sums official labour movement's inability to defend its members. From the start, the GMWU did nothing to win this strike. It took six months before customers and suppliers were even approached by the union to black Heathfield products. It took until 23 September before a meeting was organised with print union SOGAT 82 officials to request (unsuccessfully) that their members at Heathfield and TPT (the main supplier) honour the strike.

When the 1500-strong GMWU branch at BICC's plant in Leigh, Lancashire refused to black Heathfield products, the union's executive council did not even issue a This was particularly damaging as BICC is Heathfield's main and the deadlock at Leigh made it doubly difficult to win support from the unions at all the other BICC plants.

All this would be bad enough, without the additional factor of racism. statement issued by the sacked strikers on 9 October, they said: *Over and above the problem of scabbing, we have faced the extra factor of racism. The GMWU did not tackle this."

The racial divisions were crystal-clear at Heathfield. All the strikers They had been singled out for attack by management because their section plywood department militant. Not one white worker in factory would support them, least of all the 31 SOGAT members. the print workers at Heathfield refused to let three black workers join their union.

The all-white branch had worked hand in glove with management for years.

Closet anti-racists A more graphic example of successful •divide and rule tactics by management is difficult to imagine. the dispute, the GMWU tried to play question down the officials were embarrassed bulletins that stressed these were black When the strikers got a racist workers. WHEN VELAYUDHAN, an Asian worker Dagenham body at rora s sacked in February he turned to his union representatives for help. He was surprised at the response he got from both his GMWU district official and his TGWU section steward. Before case, they wanted to see his passport.

Velayudhan has worked at Ford since 1973. In November 1981, following an operation, he was advised by his doctor to take sick leave. During that time, he visited his wife and children in India.

On returning to work, the personnel officer demanded to see his passport.

When Velayudhan refused with this demand, he was sacked for 'absence from work in unacceptable circumstances. He 38 black - they had Government's the up customer, In a were black. response the pute was was the most bureaucrats. Back in 1979, police, WAR's politics. was Aziz, put it: with your support, But throughout of racism. Senior by strike sell-out, an plant, was of immigrant labour, pursuing his re-engagement. comply old question, an industrial tribunal Seven months on the picket line - their defeat is a disgrace to the British labour movement at some plants they visited, the union looked the other way.

The involvement of WAR in the disdoubly embarrassing for the

WAR

Not because

JUSU

supporters showed them up - by manning the picket line for months, taking on the organising collections and other practical support. What they feared most As another striker, were worried They that, the strike would be taken out of their hands, they did everything they could to undermine you.

But it was not only the union officials; the Socialist Workers Party tried to help things along. Although, as an organisation, its involvement at Heathfield was minimal, Socialist Worker nevertheless had strong views on the subject. On the day of the article was published (*A which, in spite of its sympathy with Ford's problems.. in dealing with their large labour force which has a large proportion decided in Velayudhan's favour. It ruled on 1 September 1982 that 'no contravention of the disciplinary code arose from his visit to India.

and that it would be just to order his The unions, though, were not so sure.

When Ford chose to ignore the tribunal ('Owing to our current operational requirements which show a headcount surplus in our three shift areas, it is not our intention to re-engage Mr Velayudhan'), the GMWU and TGWU continued to ask the same Where's your passport - what are you trying to hide?.

Ford is a multi-national which, glossy 'equal opportunities' brochures aside, is for black separate union Socialist Worker, 4 December which stressed that racism was not a key issue in the dispute, and simply isn't true that white trade unionists have, by and large, struggles of black workers'. These days difficult to get solidarity anywhere it's black workers do not autoand even matically support the struggles of other black workers'. Furthermore, not improved when the call for support does not come through official union channels. For the SWP, the problem at Heathfield was not racism and the negligence of the union - but WAR, which constantly accused of exaggerating both problems. As a parting insult to the strikers, Socialist Worker has delivered a lecture to them on why separate black notorious for its racism. It built the plant in Dagenham labour. The immigrant allowed black workers to be ghettoised into all the dirtiest and worst paid jobs.

Now the local bureaucrats have decided to assume the role of immigration police, collaborating with management in timidating Asian workers.

had good reason to refuse to produce his passport. been deported for making a visit home.

Workers Against Racism has launched a fight for Velayudhan's reinstatement.

On the way, we intend to rid East London officials of trade union bosses' dirty work. workers?, 1982) it that be blamed if they ignored the things are was sell-out at branch. of on the sweat unions have in- Velayudhan Under Britain's barbarous black workers have who the do Kirk Williams Racism trade unions are not the answer - an idea they never for a moment considered.

Reclaim our unions! Today, the Heathfield workers could not tore up their union cards and wrote off all white workers as racists. But, bitter as they are, this is not their view. Their message is clear: *The British labour movement must never let this happen again. The defeat at Heathfield is a disgrace to the whole trade union movement." (Statement from sacked Heathfield strikers, Slough, 9 December 1982) Let Heathfield be a lesson to all antiracists. The time to reclaim the unions for our class is long overdue. Raise the Heathfield in your • union Send motions of condemnation to the GMWU and SOGAT. Farehk Afzal Velayudhan - victim of union racism the next step, January 1983

Racism County Hall to find out. WHEN BRITAIN'S black ghettos ploded last year the ruling class wheeled out one of their most faithful servants to help mop up the mess. Lord Scarman, who has proved his worth at Grunwick, Red Lion Square and in the Six Counties, was selected to preside over an inquiry into the "Brixton disorders'. His findings were published in November 1981.

One year later, the lawyers and politicians are still quibbling over the finer details of his recommendations. in essence, they have already been implemented. Scarman's package - a subtle blend of hard and soft policing formed the basis for Tory law and order strategy throughout 1982.

The efficiency operational police has been dramatically improved.

The para-military Immediate Units that moved into November demonstrated their capabilities.

Parliament has just voted an extra £96 million for expenditure on police equipriot training, ment and Police Bill will massively extend police 'stop and search'. other hand, Tory Home Secretary Whitelaw has also proved responsive to Scarman's plea for greater police accountability. More consultation with the public, more and better community policing, an improved police complaints procedure these were some of the features recommended to ensure the police receive the public confidence they urgently need.

Whitelaw has gone some way meeting these requirements. In February 1982 the Home Office issued guidelines for the establishment of police-community consultative committees in London (the first of which was pioneered in Lambeth) and is now extending the scheme nationwide. Whitelaw has even hinted he may 8 the next step, January 1983 Police accountability They're only doing their job

E.L.W.A.R.

DEFEND

THE JOHN

FAMILY

POLICE OFF

OUR STREETS

The Labour Party is committed to making the police democratically accountable. Does this mean the Met will come under the control of men like Ken Livingstone, Paul Boateng and Roy Hattersley? Would Michael Fagan have got into the Queen's bedroom if there was an elected police authority in London? Judy Harrison has been down to exthose bodies statutory. the necessary, multiplying. Nevertheless, But, deal effectively - has tensions produced by must be of the Response The Tories, job. Brixton onl friends on the British left.

and the He w On the lem this past year. work have been Scarman towards democratically accountable.

London Council's Labour administration, meet Scarman the whole way by making Reform of the police complaints procedures, which even Police Federation has conceded underway, and local 1S community policing projects are rapidly there is still a big credibility gap to be filled. Most black people, particularly black youth, have a profound hatred of the police. Most white workers for different reasons do not like them much either. If the police are to with the deep social they the crisis, urgently need more allies. A consensus established, at least amongst a section of the public, that allows the police a free hand to get on with their and even the police, have recognised this problem.

But the most credit for doing something about it, must go to the Labour Party and its A 'socialist crime policy' Left-wing intellectuals have been giving some serious consideration to the prob- The fruits of their published in Marxism Today, The New Statesman, New Socialist and Labour Herald. The left's academ- Ics broadly agree on the need to challenge the right wing's monopoly over the law and order debate. The key to doing this - and here there is universal agreement is through struggling to make the police A lot of resources and money for all this research is coming from the Greater Police Committee, based at County Hall. This body was set up in May 1981, by the GLC's new with a specific brief to campaign for police accountability in London. It has a full-time "Support Unit' of research workers and a generous budget for grants to likeminded individuals and organisations. The Police Committee's chairman is Paul one of Labour's three black Boateng, prospective parliamentary candidates. He sees the Committee's role as one *developing a proper which society as a whole has ence in its police' (Report to GLC Police Committee, requires radical change, 'cosmetic consultative posed by Scarman and Whitelaw.

won't work, because they are so transparent. Real accountability, says Boateng, must be based on truly representative police committees. local the GLC has been busy promoting its own alternative plans. 'Borough police committees' are being promoted by the GLC to give people an idea of how things will work. So far, only seven boroughs (Brent, Camden, Greenwich, Hackney, Haringey, Islington and Southwark) have set them up. These are all boroughs with left-wing Labour Elsewhere, majorities. sultative committee model recommended by Whitelaw prevails, or police accountability forum at all.

difference between the police committee is difficult to discern, but the GLC is keen to emphasise that there is a difference degree of 'community representation'.

Buying off the radicals A typical local authority committee, like Hackney's, has co-opted representatives from the Community Relations Council, Women's Aid, Asian, Jewish, West Indian and other ethnic groups, the Chamber of Commerce, the Trades Council, tenants and Determining organisations. not the co-optees are really representative has proved something of a headache.

And the GLC is sensitive to the wishes of some community groups who 'may prefer to be represented by an indepen dent monitoring group which retains its identity separately from (Boateng, 30 June 1982). groups, the GLC has allocated a special budget, initially of £400 000, to provide full-time workers and other Some examples of the grants so far allocated are: Lambeth Police Monitoring Group The Institute of Race Relations Gay London Police Monitoring Group London & Westminster Trades Council Public Order Research Group Islington Police Sub-Committee The GLC Police Committee also promotes specific initiatives, which For example, its inquiry money. vandalism and racial harassment required a budget of £80 000. And its Policing London, a lavishly produced newsheet, takes up another f40 000.

All this expenditure has led the Tories the

GLC

and right-wing raise a hue cucuator LO about the Labour Party financing 'antipolice activities. The gutter raised the spectre of "Ken for Sheriff', presiding over a lawless city.

Nothing could truth. The GLC Police Committee, and the bodies its finances, are not trying to undermine the police. When Paul Boateng was slammed for making some critical remarks about the Met and its new hardline Kenneth supreme dismissed as 'nonsense' suggestions that he was waging a campaign against the police: We are concerned that we improve relations between the police and public in London...we are perfectly prepared to work with the new Commissioner. It will give the opportunity for a fresh look at the problems of policing London:' (Daily Mail, 1 April 1982) Martin Ennals, head of the Police Support Unit, has stressed that the organisations which get the GLC hand-outs are 'not vigilantes' and are by collaborating with the authorities' (Letters Page, The Guardian, 16 November 1982). value for money. of relationship, confidway, by a black 30 June 1982). To do this not just the initiatives pro- They about To this end, either the conto fight crime. there is no The two types of Brixton's mainly in the hind the Labour leader Turkish, Cypriot, disabled whether to develop (Boateng, policemen the borough' shoving paper For these feels that facilities. £14 200 £14 973 £32 000 £10 438 Whitelaw until the last again cost into such helpful advisors to state repressive monthly is operational ability political and cry by the police policing "style"' press ha the province structure' be further from the where to draw the line. Newman, he Call be its state. the state put Confronted civil disturbances police-community acting responsibly SLaLULOR to despise so In fact, the GLC is providing excellent At very little cost, it is promoting the views on social harmony that Scarman, Whitelaw and the police all want to popularise - but cannot do on their own. The idea of building bridges between the police and the black community sounds laughable when it comes from an old judge, a Tory Home Secretary or the police themselves. But put another Labour politician a left winger like Ken Livingstone, it has a certain appeal. Especially when their speeches are peppered with critical repolice racism, 'over-kill' and the need to abolish the SPG.

not only talking about accountability but also giving a whole layer of middle class radicals a material interest in working for it, the Labour Party is doing the state an invaluable service.

And at the same time, it is helping to isolate and criminalise those sections of society that are really a threat to the police.

Backing for the hard line A core preoccupation of policing strategy since the 1981 riots has been to try to achieve a public consensus on the need Brixton, Toxteth, Moss Side and every area with a large concentration of unemployed blacks has been designated a high crime area in need of special policing tactics. The occupation of Front Line by up to 1000 police on 1 November was an example of those tactics in operation.

The left-wing advocates of police accountability objected to the number of police used, but not to the purpose beoperation. Lambeth's left-wing Ted Knight helped to organise the Brixton operation. Like his colleagues Livingstone and Boateng, he is committed to the fight against crime.

Indeed, one of the terms of reference of a borough police committee is 'to seek crime prevention strategies' 30 June 1982). Livingstone wants to see more (preferably black) 'actually out on the streets deterring crime by their presence' rather than just "sitting in police stations and round each other' (Caribbean Times, 30 July 1981).

In fat GL Police Committee democratic accountability could make a really major contribution to beating crime. Boateng is convinced that the security problems at Buckingham Palace have got a lot to do with the lack of police accountability in London. How, he asks, can such a remote and distant figure as the Home Secretary with such a wide variety of other responsibilities' really keep a grip on things? Apparently "was kept in the dark, right moment' Michael Fagan intruded into the Queen's bedchamber (Labour Herald, 6 August 1982).

The GLC Police Committee is full of Her Majesty's But apparatus. one thing it does not presume to comment on matters. Police account- 'public discussions and consent for the broad strategies employed questions of and on But day to day control of police operations must remain of the police (Wandsworth Community, interview with Paul Boateng, April 1982).

As a member of the governing body of Bramshill Police College, Boateng knows Coercion rules Labour's big campaign for police accountability is utopian and reactionary. Utop ian, because it implies that the police accountable to other than their masters - the ruling class and Reactionary, because it helps down those who revolt against police brutality and racism the most serious with living memory, the British establishment has discovered an urgent need to talk about improving relations. While the left is kept busy talking, and talking, in the 'toothless committees' they profess much, Whitelaw is preparing for the class battles to come.

"Quotes of the year" the next step is different...

just working class politics ...take it!

* FALKLANDS FINALS

White man's burden 'Britain has absolutely no imperial ambitions whatsoever. We have no wish to impose our rule on those who resent it.'

(Daily Mail, 31 March) 'Britain has no colonialist and triumphalist intentions in the South Atlantic; Argentina likewise should have no need to be seen as a fascist dictatorship ever intent on some unacceptable lebensraum for her people. The day after Britain had recovered the Falklands, (The Times, 16 June) Democracy grows out of a gun 1 am an international democratic socialist and 1 believe in protecting democracy all over the world.' Michael Foot (The Guardian, 6 April)

*FOR QUEEN AND COUNTRY

1 am said to have committed an offence against the Queen, Queen's life, save magistrates and all our lives, but mostly my own life.' Booth Gillian Greenham Common (The Guardian, 17 November)

* LABOUR'S DEEPEST FEARS

'Any lingering faith in British democracy which may have existed within republican communities must destroyed last week' Steve Bundred on the banned Sinn Fein visit (New Statesman, 17-24 December)

* MILITANT RHETORIC

'The task force has been sent, the die is cast." Ted Grant as Winston Churchill (Militant, 21 May) 'Boredom drives many youth to play the Space Invaders.' (Militant, 30 July)

* GROVEL, GROVEL

'The present is no time to weaken the elected Government.' Sir John Boyd (Daily Telegraph, 1 June)

* KNOW YOUR ENEMY

'Yanks aim to gain Falklands."

(New Worker, 16 April) no stables, Argentine fascism' was dead of the barrel but I was trying to the lives of the defends her actions at surely have been interviews with Loyalist paramilitaries, chief consociology Fleet Street political editors no danger of a take-over by Bennites or senile shareholders Subscribe monthly in 1983

A WEEK IS A LONG TIME

IN POLITICS

of the IRA imperialism by whatever seA tit" (The News Line, 15 July) We denounce strongest possible terms.'

(The News Line, 21 July)

THE ANTI-PARTY TENDENCY

any insistence on the the party"! (Socialist Challenge, 7 January) December isation into the Labour Party.

DIALECTICS: GERRY HEALY

that the

WRP

semblances determinate when positive semblance knowledge of the WRP.! (The News Line, 31 May)

DIALECTICS: TONY CLIFF

taken formulation.' (Socialist Worker, 4 December)

RACE AND NATION

arink, "To pay for sisters in prostitution. circle is thus completed.'

National Front News?, No, deterrent to forces.' New News, May professors, Stalinist bureaucrats, 12 issues for £5 The WRP unreservedly supports the right to struggle against British they means these bombings in the socialists would build a party to fight for their ideas within the system of workers' councils, but in an open and democratic debate, not through "leading role of the IMG national conference voted to dissolve the organ- 'The democratic-centralist method ensures (universal) is as object reflected through the subject (individual party member) whilst the individual, as a party member, enters into particular areas external world as the object of cognition. Thus, the source of reflection in the external world apprehends through sensation real objective images in which the reality of the world crisis is implicit.

These images, as the negative nature of are in eternated into negated the the objective of 'People talk about Ireland being Britain's Vietnam. This is both a true and a mis- 'Jobless and bored, a significant part of this morass of black despair has turned to drugs and gambling, all of these liberally supplied, usually illegally, by a new breed of black criminal businessmen.

their vices, young black males engage in violent street crime, their The criminal full The New Worker on the Brixton riot, 5 November 'Britain cannot rely solely on a nuclear protect her vital interests.

She needs substantial conventional armed Statesman? No, National Front schemes the armed forces

* PRIORITIES

crime is criminals.' Police chief James Jardine (The Guardian, 18 March)

* REVELATIONS

constitutionally authority (Police Magazine, January) for whites.' (Caribbean Times, 9 July) be the other side to do it.' (Caribbean Times, 9 July)

* GOODBYE TO ALL THAT!

rid of them.' MP for Newham North-west

GAFFES

tragic death." from the Labour Party (The Standard, 2 August) (The Times, 9 August) buy a British typewriter?'

(The Times, 6 September) (The Times, 19 July) no boring exposures of secret civil defence plans, for modifying the block vote or reorganising no downturn dialectics or historical padding Send cheques to Junius Publications, BCM JPLTD, London WC1N 3XX It is time to stop paying lip service to the rule of law. It is time to insist that and that criminals are 'In the Jamaicans, you have a people who are constitutionally disorderly.

they're It's simply in their make-up, antidisposed to be Sir Kenneth Newman, speaking in America "You've got to discriminate against blacks.

If 80 per cent of those who commit muggings are blacks, it's no good looking Detective Chief Superintendent Plowman The police must win but we must never seen to win too easily. ...It's like a good cricket match: we must thrash but our public likes us much better if we come from behind Chief Superintendent Rushbrook Numbers of foreign waiters: 16 000. Get Arthur Lewis, in a parting shot as Labour (Daily Telegraph, 29 January) 1 am obviously shocked to hear of his Michael Foot on Bob Mellish's resignation Would you join me in a toast to President Figueiredo and the people of Bolivia?'

Ronald Reagan on arriving in Brazil (The Guardian, 3 December)

* THOUGHTS OF CHAIRMAN JUDY

On profit: 'Profit is a loaded word.'

On typewriters: 'Have you ever tried to On Thatcher: 'She should read Hegel.'

Judith Hart is MP for Lanark and was chairman of the Labour Party in 1982.

no the next step, January 1983 9

The shape of things to come Labour movement term trend in the British economy - the decline of manufacturing and the rise of the service sector. During the 'seventies, manufacturing employment shrank from 40 to 30 per cent of the total national workforce; jobs in services grew from 50 to 60 per cent. Social trends According to the latest Social Trends, 1979 and 1981, between 16 per cent fall in the number of people working in manufacturing. Probably only about one quarter of all British workers now work in manufacturing industries.

The biggest drop place metal manufacturing. year the rot continued: British exporters listed in the cial Times between them shed 200 000 workers in 1982. In 12 months BL lost 22 percent of its workforce and Talbot 37 per cent. Scarcely a handful of manufacturing firms registered a bigger work- Electronics force. and one of the few growth areas - the highest ranking firm to grow was IBM, and it was only thirtieth. Services have held their own by comparison with manufacturing, here, growth has ceased in the 'eighties.

Between 1979 and 1981, jobs were cut back by three per cent. Services combine a dynamic and a stagnant sector. Banking, and finance professional and 'tradeable' services expanded their share from 19 to 26 of all jobs in the 'seventies and they have held their own 'eighties. in the employment in the larger communication, distribution and government services is either stagnating or declining. The general result, is that fewer and fewer workers are men in factory overalls, whilst more and more men and women) dic collars in offices. division of growing impor- Another tance is that between the public and the private sector. Because the public sector includes the nationalised industries well as public services, it the manufacturing/service distinction. Despite the Tories' state intervention, public sector employment has swelled from 31 to 35 per cent of total since une elected. The feebleness of British capitalism means that it cannot survive out extensive government backing.

private sector lost more than one million jobs in 1981. An increasing number of workers are therefore confronted with the state, not only as the overall guarantor of the interests of the capitalist class, but also directly as their employer.

Dole queue doldrums The most important division in the workclass is that created by mass uning Unemployment isolates a employment. growing body of

WOTKETS.

young workers, from full participation in the economic and political life of society. It is also a powerful weapon in the hands of the employers for use in driving down the wages who still have a job. The official total of jobless crossed the one million mark in late 1975; the rise slowed in the late "seventies, until 1979 when it took off, passing two million at the end of 1980 and three million in January 1982.

Tories have now fiddled the statistics to obscure the real total, but even bourgeois concede

COLLEGES

around four million. Of the 16-19 year old generation, 25 work. The Daily Mirror recently summed up the results of an Economist survey of the young unemployed: Boredom. A fatalistic the hard life is going to last. Watching the telly.

Eating less meat, fewer sweets and snacks.

And slowly getting more and more bad tempered with life in general.' (4 December) 10 the next step, January 1983 27 percent - took Last the top 55 Financomputers are movement. Wales, the but even past year. and other However, crisis. transport, unemployed however, wearing white supplement, rhetorical hostility to Thatcher was (The Times, The only specially especially living standards. fell seriously behind. of workers do The level many workers. percent are out of discipline ot acceptance that

SAND CASUALS

SIGN HERE

and widening differentials in living standards increasingly the structural and Unemployment is highest in the North, and the West North West Midlands. In many inner-city areas, it is closer to 20 per cent than to the national average of 13 per cent. Even in the South East, where the level remains below 10 percent, it has been rising fast over the Fed with bogus job creation the state and patronising gestures by the Labour leaders, the unemployed are the atomised, invisible and largely ignored victims of the capitalist In 1982 the living standards of the real hammering.

LOOK

Those entitled to unemployment benefits for the first year out of work received equivalent to less than one quarter of the average wage. Four factors combined to force down benefits last year. The Govenment abolished the earnings related it introduced taxation on benefits, refused to replace the five per cent cut imposed in 1980 and altered the method of calculation of the children's element in the allowance. Without these changes, a man previously earning the average wage of f160 per week, with a wife and two children, would have received almost £80 per week in benefit; he actually got slightly more than £40 20 November). More than half the unemployed, who are entitled to supplementary benefits, face all the humiliation of means tests, reinforced fraud squads and more snoopers for cohabitees. The DHSS has also introduced a new claims form and procedure, designed to cut staff, deter claims and make it even more difficult for people to get their entitlements.

Immiseration Unemployment has played its part in widening differentials in working class Until recently, workers who held on to a job managed to preserve their real wages, while those out of work Now. more and more workers are receiving wages which not allow them to maintain living standards. One third of all workers now earn less than £100 per week - the lowpay threshold. While inflation ran at an annual rate of around 12 per cent during 1982 (despite highly publicised levels of less than 10 per cent since the autumn, wage rises were kept below 10 per cent and in some cases, below five per cent.

The result was a cut in real wages for The workers who fared worst were those in industries most exposed to the where the the market. pressures of the dole queue were most acutely felt. Thus in engineering, which experienced 400 closures in 1981, and 200 in the first six months of 1982, and has lost 22 percent of its workforce in the last three years, workers were forced to accept a 4.8 per cent rise. It

FRESH CLAIMS N

The recession is transforming the British working class. New divisions political weaknesses of the existing trade union was the same in the motor industry: BL workers had to settle for five percent, at Talbot they got only two per cent. On the other hand, workers in have braved the recession better, fared better. The impact of unemployment was also apparent in regional variations in wage increases. In the West Midlands, where unemployment has rocketed in the last three years, earnings used to run at about one per cent below London levels.

Now they are 13 per cent behind (Financial Times, 2 December).

Workers in the generally fell short of what they needed.

Arthur Scargill reckoned that the miners needed 31 percent to maintain their position; in the end they had to accept 8-9 When per cent. negotiators offered 7.8 their employees just before Christmas employers were outraged. One CBI spokesman described this breach of the Government's four per limit as 'incredibly irresponsible' it was still well short of the annual rate of inflation. Cutting back public sector pay has been a central objective of the Tory Government. The very fact of state intervention weakens the operation of market torces in the public the maintenance of employment levels, at least until recently, leverage of the dole queues. all the big industrial battles of the past three years have been in the public sector - the steel workers in 1980, the civil servants in 1981 and the health workers in 1982. And, depite all the moaning of the CBI, the Government's efforts have met with some success. According the New Earnings Survey, to sector pay rises began to fall behind the private sector last year for the first time since the Tories came to power.

Bargaining barrage Now that the balance of forces is so favourable, the bourgeoisie the time to reorganise patterns of wage bargaining to its advantage. In the private sector, the trend is towards decentralisation. Thus GEC opted out of national negotiations to pursue plant-by-plant bargaining around new productivity arrangements. The recession has allowed management to effective workplace trade union isation so that it can enforce its will most effectively on the shopfloor.

the employers put it, 'the bargain to the ..the more realistic - that is the lower - it will be' (Financial Times, 18 Deeember). In the public sector, Megaw is the name of the game. Sir John Megaw was commissioned by the Government to sort out a way of cutting pay in the Civil Service.

recommendations involved scrapping the old 'comparability' system, which meant paying Megaw be arbitration tolerated after a the remarkably attacks. expose backs, well, firms tha Unfortunately, well prepared. Recent the existing class in public sector, too, local authority workers between

SOCI

health cent cash one strike. - but forum is established. services, has lessened the long as they "Tripartite' Hence, working class interests union public against privatisation seizing 1S and conditions. The Class neutralise or destroy organ- As closer the point of production, new structure. accumulation the working class, His reformist politics. parallel civil servants in with those for similar jobs outside. The system begins from rigid cash limits on wage awards; pay rises are to made every four years instead of annually; there will be no resort unless it is endorsed by management; and strikes will only be 'cooling-off" period. A similar system is in the pipeline for local government and the NHS. The central aim is to introduce the pressures of the market place into sectors which have been shielded from its effects.

Problems ahead In 1983 the Government may be expected to push ahead with its offensive against working class. The public service workers will bear the brunt of the attack.

Despite the lack of leadership from their unions, workers in local government, the civil service and the NHS have proved resilient in face of Tory They have suffered some setbut union organisation remains strong and militancy high.

The Tories will have a tough fight on their hands.

However, they have prepared the ground with a series of anti-union laws which have created a more favourable climate in which to take on the unions.

the workers are not so developments the class struggle have exposed the inadequacy of structures of the trade union movement. The institutions of the TUC reflect the structure of the working 1880 better than today. Yet attempts to bring the General Council more into line with the nature of today's working class have almost torn the TUC apart in internal squabbles. Every important strike in 1982 fell foul of the archaic divisions of the bureaucracy. The railway paralysed by conflicts WerE

ASLEF

the NUR; the and suffered from disputes workers among COHSE, NUPE, NALGO, GMU and ten more unions trying to coordinate The politics of the unions have proved an even bigger obstacle to overcoming the new divisions in the working class.

When the employers and the state attempt reorganise bargaining systems, the bureaucrats put all their energies into trying to win some position in whatever Whatever happens to their members wages is alright, just as are adequately consulted.

relations with employers and the government are much dearer to trade union officials than fighting for The other central theme of the trade follows from leadership this. Over many years they have become more reliant on the state - for recognition, positions on quangos, status, etc than on their own rank and file. Hence their commitment to state intervention and their hostility to any moves to sell off sections of nationalised industries to private buyers. The bureaucrats' campaign whether of British Telecom or council dustcarts - is based more on their narrow self-interest than on their concern to defend jobs bureaucrats fear independent working class action more than they hate the bourgeois attacks on the working The loyalty of the bureaucracy to the state imposes two tasks on active workers if we are to win the battles ahead. First, we need to get rid of the parasitic bureaucracy at the head of the labour movement. Second, we have to rebuild the organisations of the working class along lines that correspond to its And to overcome the divisions that the movement of capital creates and recreates in we need to make sure that the new institutions we build are permeated with working class not Mike Freeman

WITH THE PARTY OF THE FUTURE

Why stand against the Labour Party when the rest of the left calls for unity against the Tories? *Because the Labour Party can't fight the Tories. Workers in Bermondsey have become disillusioned Party because it has failed to provide any alternative way of defending jobs and living standards. It has failed at the level of government, at the level of the council and now as an opposition.

Why bureaucratic shambles when we can put forward something new, different and dynamic? We want to give workers in Bermondsey the opportunity to fight for the things they need housing, nurseries. concerned with its own survival than with defending the working class.

The best it can do is make empty promises for the distant future. We are organising action today. How do you justify standing against a left winger, a 'good socialist' like Peter Tatchell? Is Peter Tatchell a good socialist? Just look at what he stands for. He wants a bit more reflation of the economy than Peter But nobody has any confidence Shore. in Labour's alternative economic strategy - certainly nobody in Bermondsey. Their

JOBS

THE DECLINE of London's docklands has devastated Bermondsey.

have closed down and related industries Metal Courage's brewery, - have pulled out. Only the many more of jobs in ex SaIson service sectors has prevented collapse of employment in the area. Now even office jobs are on the decline and unemployment has trebled in three years to more than 20 000, an all-time record.

The old Labour right and the new Labour left have proved equally ineffectual in defending jobs in Bermondsey.

Southwark business MP Bob Mellish and Former leader John O'Grady council together to promote local business and redevelop docklands. Local workers never figured much in their "Southwark Link' council set up panel of senior councillors, industrialists and bankers - to assess the viability of new investments. It established Southwark Aid grants to promising entrepreneurs. Mellish Labour undemocratic, industry government subsidies. jobs, decent The Labour Party is to the working class. docks? that jobs CalE Action not promises The docks oration which and for

BOX

COLE ACES

Lysander. the public When an a a total for North fashionable causes, former worked has led schemes. The - a the Company to dish out

FIGHT BACK

RCT

Bermond Fran Eden, the prospective RCP candidate in the yet-to-be-announced her Ms Nasty because she said that black people in Britain are oppressed.

her supporters are more trouble than the National Front. Even more talked to the next step about her politics.

half-hearted commitment to reducing unemployment to one million by around 1990 is not much of a socialist programme for Bermondsey in 1983, He is in favour of a few confetti jobs in small and co-ops, created through But this is no solution to the problems of redundancies and rising dole queues in Bermondsey.

This sort of job creation has some appeal to middle class community activists - there will be lots of jobs for them on Labour's schemes. But it means nothing What would you do to save jobs on the "A real fight to save jobs in docklands is obviously long overdue - there are only a few hundred dockers left in the upper docks. It is very clear that the only way be saved is through campaign of industrial action, including and O'Grady secured seats on the Torysponsored docklands development corpprovided lucrative nas Wimpey, Barratts and the left wing took over the council last May, it made great play of throwing out the previous district plan Southwark. This included schemes for a massive office development at Hay's Wharf and for private housing construction at Surrey Docks. These are but what alternative has the Labour left got to offer? With much rhetoric about community accountability' the council is currently consulting the community about its plans for the future. Yet it is doing nothing to defend workers' interests in the present. Tatchell stunt protests against private developments in his campaign for 'homes with gardens'. But as far as the council is concerned there is not enough money to build any more council flats, let alone low-rise houses with gardens. It may be trendy to be against offices, but more than 30 per cent of women workers in Bermondsey by election, has been vilified in the press. The Sun labelled The Standard called her Ms Trouble because she supported their resistance against state harassment. The Labour left's Labour Herald and the trendy City Limits echoed Peter Tatchell's view that Fran Eden and sympathetic commentators are only interested in her personal life. She strikes and occupations, to force the Government to preserve workers' liveli- To be successful, such a campaign.

hoods. would have to involve workers at the terminals at Tilbury and elsewhere through which most of the container traffic now passes. To be effective, it would also have to involve workers osee especially in road haulage and rail and select targets for industrial action outside docklands. *The blame for the present appalling of affairs state Transport and General Workers Union and the other unions. The bureaucrats have collaborated in the rundown of the docks to the extent that they themselves are now becoming redundant for the authorities. Whilst giving no lead against redundancies, the bureaucrats have been quick to blame their members for accepting severance pay. Many workers could see no alternative. But now there is an Bermondsey are dependent on A real alternative strategy Labour's alternative strategy begins from what is realistic from point of view of crisis-ridden Hence it capitalism. accepts employment as a fact of economic life and promises to try and reduce it slightly the end towards ot the Labour Party in Bermondsey has presided over the steady drift of more and more of the local population below the poverty line. confronting these problems as the right - the only difference is that it affects a liberal concern the al unemployed. We start from what is realistic from the point of view of Bermondsey workers.

Whatever the state of the docks or the crisis of public expenditure, every worker needs a job, Workers still have to eat, pay the rent, buy clothes, go out etc even when the capitalists can no longer make a profit

BERMONDSEY

alternative secure jobs in docklands.

living standards have would support the the

-COCK.

rests largely with the opponents the future, jobs need. If for jobs the British for mass unfight ition to 'eighties. The and misery The left is as impotent in class living standards. plight of rights! or at least a living wage and it can still work to What would you do in Parliament?

*For a start, I would raise issues in a way no other MP at present does. I would establish the principle that working class maintained to be and improved irrespective of what the nation' can afford. This would make a change from the way even the most leftwing Labour MPs accept responsibility for the best interests of British industry and make workers livelihoods conditional upon capitalist viability. On Ireland, I liberation struggle instead of condemning it like the entire Labour Party every time British soldiers are hit. I would cut across the Tory- Labour debate on how best to restrict by rejecting whole the concept of immigration controls as racist and divisive. In all these ways, I could use Parliament to provide a national focus for RCP campaigns on the ground.

*For us, a seat in Parliament is like a prolonged election campaign. It is a platform from which to challenge our political -especially the party that claims to represent the working class. It is a useful focus for building the party of around action to defend working class interests today.

out of employing them. As far as we are concerned that is their problem our problem is to make sure we gel wildl we individual employers cannot provide a living wage, then the employers collectively, through their state, must pay out. To get what we want we will have to it. The fight extends from opposition to all redundancies to opposcuts in benefits. Any other approach can only lead to more poverty as capitalism in Britain general, and Bermondsey in particular, slides deeper and deeper into depression.

but to fight alternative no back in the battle to maintain working Tony Allen • ajob or a living wage for all!

• no to all redundancies!

• no to all restrictions on trade union • all benefits to be brought up to average wage levels and cost of living index-linked!

the next step, January 1983 11

FIGHT BACK WITH THE

From colour bars to token gestures

RACISM

BERMONDSEY MP Bob Mellish came straight to the point at the 1961 party conference: 'I come to this rostrum today', he said, 'as one who is known to be no anti-racialist'. Nobody reputation, although some left wingers were angered that an MP should be so blunt official Labour Mellish was a particularly clear exponent of the commonplace Labour concerns about 'this tiny island of ours' and of the familiar I'm not a racist, but... of Labour MPs. Britons first He exposed the official party line on immigration: We in Britain are now so overcrowded that we cannot keep the door open to all comers.

There are now 52 million of us on this island and there just has to be some control of the population.' (New Daily, 26 June 1961) Like all Labour politicians, he was quick 'coloured' to compliment 'doing good work in dirty and dead-end jobs'. He blamed bad housing conditions on Indians, Pakistanis and West Indians and called for a reduction in immigration, health checks and deportations'. When Bermondsey dockers came out on strike calling for repatriation of blacks Mellish opposed them. Strikes were damaging to the British economy - they should protest on Sundays. While Mellish did his best in Westminster to "keep them out, the local Labour council used its control of 80 per cent of the housing in the area either to prevent black people from moving in or to restrict them to the worst estates.

In the sixties approximately one third all people living in inner London of boroughs were born abroad: in South- 12 the next step, January 1983

BERMONDSEY

the hurst challenged this Rotherhithe, policy. are thin on the ground. Southwark ment join the waiting list Against complained bitterly up long-established level What difference candidate made entrenched racist traditions?

people for The local race equality committee.

tunities policy appointed with the progress.

race quango deliberates salaried jobs for For borough. ghettoised on the of a new Labour council. unity in the concluded: problems that Old Labour posters, fresh fascist graffiti: 30 years of Labour Party racism have helped to make Bermondsey a fascist stronghold wark the figure was five per cent. Within borough, blacks were ghettoised in certain areas - St Giles, Liddle, Lynd- - often in privately-owned accommodation. In the Mellish strongholds of Abbey Ward, Bricklayers, Dockyard and where the council enjoys a virtual housing monopoly, black people Council housing departused to demand passports from prospective black tenants attempting to until Workers Racism stopped this. Officials at having to give practice'. The council, the biggest employer in the area, employs no blacks above the manual has the new-style Bermondsey Labour Party and its new the area's deeply Empty gestures council has set up a quango, a it has a perspective of adopting an equal oppor • so far even the local relations council is dis- While the who over its highly the boy the CRO records in its annual report an increase in racial harassment in the north of the Bengali community, the Rockingham estate, life has changed little since the election One report, "On the health needs of the Asian comm- Guy's Health District, *Asians have been left to tolerate health would not be acceptable if prevalent among the indigenous population.'

(CRC Annual Report, 1981-2) Young blacks harassed by local 'M' division police can look forward' to the "Help on arrest' scheme. For the CRC 'one of the most significant and it is positive responses to the Scarman Report locally. The scheme enjoys the enthusiastic collaboration of the Council, the police and the CRC. The idea is that when you have been arrested and put in the cells, an person' can come and see how you have been treated. What about Peter Tatchell? He toes the official, Roy Hattersley, line.

believes Britain can operate immigration controls directed at Asian and African countries which are not racist. He also believes it possible to reform and make accountable a police force that has the job of enforcing the oppression of black people in British society.

We don't believe in 'non-racist' immigration controls "non-racist police or that pigs can fly. We believe in realistic solutions to real problems.

Bermondsey don't need immigration controls that divide and working class. We don't need police constantly harass working Blacks are not a problem in people. Bermondsey - racism is. Law and order isn't a problem - the police are. We will be campaigning against the racists and the real criminals in Bermondsey - those who have robbed us of our jobs, whipped up racism and pushed black workers into their worst jobs and houses.

• No to the Tory Nationality Act!

• No to all immigration controls!

• Stop police harassment!

HOUSING

for all! Southwark 'Housing 'accredited ular flats - many was a junior He 1979 it and renovation' rather the number now is much higher.

People -In weaken the alternative to the LDDC's policies.

class order to prevent the closure.

anent homes, and the improve a hostel it doesn't own is needed of the old ate schemes with housing associations of Government money. pense of the force the state to provide.

GAYS

Decent houses LONDON'S DOCKLANDS Development Corporation and its private housing plans are an easy target for Southwark Council.

Bluster about the Tories, the financiers, the speculators and even about corrupt Labour politicians is the left's stock in trade. It provides a convenient smokescreen for the Council's own failure to defend the housing needs of its tenants.

on the cheap' could be Southwark's motto. Thousands of local people live in high-rise and other unpopjerry-built in the period when local MP Bob Mellish housing minister. The council is always cutting corners to save cash - at the expense of its tenants. In cut down on repairs, while pursuing a general policy of 'renewal' than building new homes. At the time, 11 000 dwellings in the borough were unfit for habitation; The case of the privately-owned Tooley Street hostel for homeless men shows how the new council's inability to provide for the needs of the homeless forces it into stop-gap measures which offer no real John O'Grady is the old council's former leader, and its representative on the LDDC; Bob Mellish is deputy director.

When the corporation granted planning permission for the hostel's conversion into offices, the owners threatened to evict all the men. Faced with having to house them, the council issued a control But the residents are no nearer to getting permcouncil cannot The battle between Southwark and the LDD over the Lysander Estates scheme is about what kind of state intervention Downtown to make the osition. The LDDC continues the tradition council, relying on enterprise, The new 'left' council tries to • dec • reh get round its lack of cash through elaboraccom • rep still relying on the same shrinking supply We are not prepared to let Southwark Ga l Council indulge its principles at the exovercr Downtown tenants. The working class must take whatever it can Labour in the clos

PARTY OF THE FUTURE

t homes for all! sing for people in unsatisfactory odatión! and modernisation for those them! building programme to relieve ding and bad housing! rents and rates! won't be the oppression of gay people.

before Was ne labour movement ed in public places. CAUCUS has decided to 'endorse wholeheartedly' the prospective RCP candidate.

will be the only candidate in Bermondsey facilities. problem: to provide that *principally the ONE ISSUE which the Labour Party pushing in the Bermondsey by-election is gay rights. Peter Tatchell used to be associated with opposition to But that became a prospective Labour MP. The prejudices of the official now dictate that attacks on homosexuals are not mention- The REVOLUTIONARY GAY MEN'S A spokesman declared that Fran Eden prepared to face squarely the need for workers to fight against all forms of The right to work WOMEN IN Bermondsey are largely out of work, in part-time jobs or in low-paid employment. Closures of food-processing, drink and tobacco and clothing factories have removed many women's livelihoods.

Cuts in public services have led to further job losses and increased burdens of care for children, the sick and the elderly.

One of the biggest problems facing women in the area is the lack of childcare One explained There are no nurseries. Why don't they have nurseries at factories and offices?

you could take your children and know they'd be looked after." Others complained about the cost and poor quality of the service provided by the council. Southwark's social services department admits that the council does not attempt nurseries for every woman needs them. Their provision related to the department's priority work with families under stress, to safeguard the development of children under five and to prevent where possible need for into care. Southwark there are 14 000 under-fives

IRELAND

BERMONDSEY'S LABOUR movement had a proud record of support for Irish freedom in the 1920s. It passed this motion at the local Trades Council in May 1920, when the Tan War raged in Ireland: this meeting of Bermondsey Rotherhithe Trades Council and Labour Party records its strong condemnation of the government's criminal policy of military repression in Ireland and demands the immediate withdrawal of men and munitions to that country?

The Trades Council invited delegations of Republican speakers to address meetings of up to 2000 people. In Southwark Park September 1920, 3000 marched demanding 'Hands off Ireland'. Speakers from local Labour Parties, railwaymen, building workers and the National Fedand 496 day-nursery places at special units).

Radical Labour Jessica Wanamaker that the council should show the way by providing nursery employees. NALGO has been campaigning for this for years. But the Labour council takes full imposing 'financial the borough - ie passing on the cost of the capitalist crisis to working class people.

If we haven't got full facilities in the borough, I don't see how Then them to our own employees, Wanamaker told a recent open forum of the council's new women's committee. 'How about the council setting a precedent and then extending it to the borough?, quired. No, Southwark Council afford it'. Far from trying to extend nursery provision, the council is ways of getting childcare on the cheap. It is seeking 'the more active participation of parents in the activities of day-care nurseries'. It is also all in favour of 'community nurseries' - where mothers take it In in turns to look after their own children.

Indeed One tradition worth following eration of Women Workers all put the for Irish freedom. case Labour News captured the spirit of the OCCaNOE It was a new and pleasing experience for Bermondsey to witness the Red Flag and the and Sinn Fein resolution calling for self-determination was carried with enthusiasm. Sixty years later the Irish people are still fighting for their freedom. And we firmly believe they support of Bermondsey workers in their struggle against the British state. That is Fran Eden invited Sinn Fein repwhy resentatives Gerry Morrison down to Bermondsey, before their proposed visit to banned. We will still be campaigning ir

BERMONDSEY

places plus 76 saving self-help councillors like and toddler refuse to accept But facilities for its own responsibility for ever part restraint' the life. we can give campaign ing we en- We are can't plans investigating affect women hithe. the council presents its moneythe constituency. sion... our petition get your options • troops out now! Bermondsey tricolour flying side by side. A deserve the active traditions movement Adams and Danny London was itions of Labour Party politics.

WOMEN

• no to all cuts in social services!

• free 24-hour nurseries!

• free abortion on demand!

• no to all discrimination against women!

programmes playschemes, holiday group projects, mother groups and childminding facilities - as a radical new alternative.

don't women in Bermondsey want second-rate services on the cheap.

They need the sort of nurseries that can look after children properly, during whatworking day of the is necessary, to allow them to get out to work and play a full part in all aspects of social These are the sort of facilities we need and its up to the state to find the money to provide them. As part of our for 24-hour nurseries we are supporting NALGO's efforts to force the council into making a start, by provid a nursery for its own employees.

women's campaigning for rights on a broad front in Bermondsey.

We are opposing the council's job-sharing these cut jobs rather than create them. We are fighting against all cuts in social services that particularly notably against the closure of St Olave's hospital in Rother- We are fighting the run-down of abortion facilities on the NHS and calling for their extension at Guy's Hospital in • self-determination for the Irish people!

Bermondsey in solidarity with the Irish national liberation struggle What about the Labour Party? Peter Tatchell used to be known as a supporter of 'troops out' of Ireland. But he refused to invite Sinn Fein speakers down to the constituency. He repudiated rumours that he was in favour of the withdrawal of troops as having no foundation in truth and pledged his loyalty to British imperialism. I do not condone acts of terrorism or violence. I toe the Labour Party line Tractions Tate el on does ther the Bermondsey labour but clearly selectively. When you want a seat in Parliament you have to toe the Labour Party line. If that means rejecting the anti-imperialist trad- Bermondsey workers, that's the next step, January 1983 13

YESTERDAY'S MEN

TATCHELL

PETER TATCHELL first became Labour's candidate in Bermondsey party's roots in the working class had withered to such an extent that a moderate middle class community could command a majority of support on the constituency committee. He survived storm of condemnation from Labour establishment and the press for two reasons. First, his politics were more moderate than his critics at first thought.

Second, the national executive realised that if it ousted Tatchell and his supporters, there would be no Labour Party in Bermondsey at all. Tatchell achieved notoriety through an article in London November 1981. In the circumstances of profound internal decay in the Labour Party, Tatchell's article provoked Michael Foot to issue a strident condemnation in Parliament. Tatchell was not yet a candidate endorsed by the national executive and as far as Foot was concerned never would be. Foot was soon forced to eat these words but written that so upset his leader?

An old parliamentary chestnut Tatchell's article was about how, period of opposition and unprecedented unpopularity, the Labour Party could give the people the feeling that it was doing more than simply scoring points in the First, he bemoaned the fact Commons. that Labour had lost the kind of anti- Tory militancy that its followers Bermondsey had displayed between the wars. Then he congratulated Labour's national executive for organising demon strations against unemployment nuclear weapons, but upbraided it for not developing 'more imaginative and defiant' challenges to the Government.

He wanted initiatives which would force Thatcher regime to 'listen to voice of the people and be deterred from monetarist course. Finally, he propits osed that Labour lead Britain's unemployed in an afternoon's sit-down occupation of the Westminster area or in setting up a 'tent city' in the grounds of the GLC's County Hall. There his polemic more or less ended. Hounded by the gutter press, Tatchell tried to clarify what he had said in print.

Protests such as he had put forward, he maintained, were intended to supplement, not supplant, parliamentary democracy.

The TUC-led People's March for Jobs was the sort of thing he had in mind. When, six months before his article, he and a dozen fellow Labour Party members had 'occupied' HMS Belfast on the Thames in opposition to speculative office develop- Bermondsey's Hay's Wharf, ments on 14 the next step, January 1983

BERMONDSEY

A moderate extremist because the activist non-violent the Foot himself. pressure Party along Labour Briefing in Bermondsey what had Tatchell for all radical in a such as feminism, ecology, tan nanonal ones mat most headlines. Mellish. and he said, the Mellish out: resign since mid 1981. resigned as MP, himself. contain 8 November 1982). So much mondsey? hero, LIKe the y cals dru. an atomised bunch of housing. they had in fact bought tickets to go on board. When he had followed this up by protesting at the closure of St Olave's hospital, he had done so only by blocking local traffic - and at a zebra crossing, too.

He was only trying to revive a tradition of civil disobedience that had been upheld by Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King and indeed Michael The only issue that divided Tatchell from Foot was the degree of community Labour required to move the commonly agreed lines. Professional community worker Tatchell wanted quite a lot of decently applied.

respectably packaged pressure; professionparliamentarian Foot would like to settle for a bit less pressure.

Down in locals admitted that ane Tatchell was a harmless moderate - We've got our nutters, but Tatchell's not one of them', somebody told a Guardian reporter.

Backdated in Bermondsey This time last year Tatchell had recovered enough to venture a call for Labour to 'reassert its role as the "natural focus" ideas and movements, embracing with enthusiasm "new" issues black consciousness, disarmament and gay rights'.

But it was over local questions rather he made the The first of these questions was Bob . Prior to Bob Mellish's resignation from the Labour Party, Tatchell made much of the fact that he was having to run errands for him, so little did the old boy have his heart in Labour. After it, Tatchell declared that he was 'sad and disappointed' by the move (Morning Star, 3 August 1982). Mellish's departure was, *a slap in the face to all those Labour Party members in Bermondsey who have campaigned so hard for his past' (Labour Herald, 7 August 1982). It was a 'myth' to imagine that the local Party had tried to force the man had wanted to When Mellish went the whole hog and Tatchell could hardly I am', he stated, very concerned that Bob Mellish has quit and abandoned his advice surgeries. He has left people without anyone to turn to for help.. In the last week, since Bob resigned, it has got worse' (The Standard, for Tatchell's differences with the Mellish mafia; but what of a second and more important question that of his practical policies for Ber- Tatchell's programme 1S fusion of inter-war municipal socialism with mid 'seventies community activism.

Dr Alfred Salter, the radical local MP of the 'thirties, Tatchell blames all the problems of the borough on remote external forces - the Tory Government, property speculators and the nebulous 'spiral of decay'. His solutions are a Labour government, public ownership and diffuse campaigns. There is still gardens and the concern about the speculators, but now the interest in gas been reboards and water boards has placed with a fascination with playgrounds and shops. Just as Labour posed it 50 the issue is not redundancies but industrial dereliction; not the working class as a collective social force at the point of production, but the 'public' as consumers of When Tatchell deals with the oppressed.

MELLISH

A born bureaucrat

BOB MELLISH,

mondsey from 1946 to 1982, revels in his image as a hard-bitten Bermondsey docker. In fact he has never been a docker and never lived in Bermondsey.

Cockney exterior conceals bureaucrat. His father was a docker and an active trade unionist, present at the meeting that launched the Labour Party.

When Bob left school at the age of 14 his father fixed him up office boy for the Transport and General Workers Union. Soon young Mellish was an assistant to TGWU chief Ernest Bevin: he never looked back. In 1946 the TGWU installed Mellish in the constituency seat which he was to occupy for 36 years. The local party preferred its own candidate but the TGWU had the borough in its pocket. Mellish's career has served two great causes - that of the labour bureaucracy and that of Bob Mellish. Mellish served loyally the union barons who launched him into Labour politics. As Attlee's office boy he gave sterling service in the anti-communist 'forties - especially among the dockers.

He constantly railed against rank and file Im sick to death of dock militancy strikes, he told the Daily Mail in 1958.

Mellish always defended the bureaucrats - even if that brought him into conflict with the party leadership.

Thus opposed he to remove Clause IV in 1960 because it would have weakened Labour's ties to the unions. And he joined James Callaghan's opposition to Wilson and Castle's anti-trade

I TOT

strife, a decade later. personal quality - as a bully rewarded in 1970 when Wilson appointed him parliamentary imposed the party line on Labour MPs to secure a narrow parliamentary majority.

Mellish mafioso Mellish did not confine his social activities to Parliament. In the 'fifties he dined several times a week at the Savoy with Oliver Cutts, property developer, later imprisoned for criminal activities (after being stripped of the MBE for which Mellish recommended him). In the 'sixties he could be seen at the Carlton Towers with T Dan Smith, the man later jailed together with Poulson for corruption related to Labour council contracts in the Another friend was Eric Miller of the Peachey Property Company, who committed suicide when his racketeering was exposed. Other pals included gang leaders Charlie Richardson and 'Scarface' Parsons.

And Mellish supporters now claim that the Bermondsey Labour Party has recently we just get the usual trendy panaceas.

Women? Tatchell speaks not of jobs and nurseries for all, but of 'positive discrimination' making sure denied access to a certain portion of the dwindling number of jobs on the local council. Racism? It's the forget about Southwark's ghetto estates and about violent fascist attacks, just put aside a few token posts for blacks on the council Once is enough Peter Tatchell isn't interested working class. He's interested Labour Party. He wants to build a Labour Party for the eighties with ideas that were in their prime two generations ago.

Loyal to parliamentary puts his faith in institutions established Labour MP for Ber- Mellish. His chirpy Cancell feather his with a job as lands approach He heaped abuse witchhunts of the late way. in the Gaitskell's attempt they were elected. by-election. scheme, In place of tradition His outstanding graft and corruption. was whip. He ruthlessly a wartime spiv turned North East before Cromwell. sweep. that men are Peter Shore if necessary.

same story: their

THOUSES

full employment? Well the the Well. forget it. he democracy, tomorrow. been taken over by a left-wing 'mafia!

Labour's 1979 defeat was a blow to He realised that his greatest ambition - a seat in the Lords and a title like Lord Mellish of London was beyond his grip. Now Mellish's concern to nest in old age weighed his loyalties to Transport House He soon found a secure future - as deputy chairman of the London Dock- Development Corporation, the planning and development authority of the Tory dockland 'enterprise zone'. The problem was that this body was bitterly opposed by the local Southwark council and the Labour Party for its profiteering Mellish's to local resources acceptance of a seat on this quango for a fat salary made certain that he would not be re-selected for Westminster.

Mellish responded in customary style.

on Tatchell and the local party and blackmailed Michael Foot into denouncing his replacement in Parliament. He constantly threatened to resign his seat and precipitate a by-election to embarrass the Labour leadership into acting against Tatchell. While the national executive dithered, Mellish resigned anymeantime he sponsored three like-minded councillors, who were de-selected by the local Labour Party, in the Southwark council elections. Running as independents against the Labour Party, Now one of these, former council leader John O'Grady, a long-standing ally of Mellish, has declared his intention to stand in the forthcoming O'Grady stands for the of post-war labourism which Mellish personified - patriotism, racism, Paul Saunders His prospectus for socialism is equally broad in its historical he has gone record to the on effect that it may take 20 years to form a left-wing Labour government, and that in the meantime we will have to put up with The Labour Party of Peter Tatchell has nothing to offer the workers of Bermondsey but empty promises for the future.

And every time that Labour leaders open they Remember retreat. full employment within the lifetime of the next Labour government. Well - unemployment down to one million in five years.

Labour's realism is a recipe for working class despair.

Vote Tatchell for even more of yesterday James Wood

The plunge into barbarism as an eccentric deviation from AS 1982 DREW to a close, a group of 26 prominent economists issued a statement Washington, warning of the breakdown' of the world's financial system.

Their grim forebodings coincided with the publication of some of the bleakest statistics since the Second World War.

One common theme emerges: the worldwide economic depression is fast turning into an uncontrollable collapse.

capitalism is heading for chaos.

Stagnation and decay Underlying all the diverse features of the is recession one all-important Because of the low rates of profit in industry, nobody wants to invest. With the exception of Japan, the capitalist class every imperialist In

COUL

refusing to invest in industry. In the United States, the system survives on consumer spending, while industry goes from bad to worse: "The US is becoming more dependent than ever on consumer spending. The nation's industrial plant and equipment are deteriorating, companies are being torced to down close businesses in sell oil or basic industries' World, Business August 1982). In Britain, the bosses are taking their capital out of industry and investing it in the service sector. Manufacturing investment is expected to fall by five percent in 1983 (The Guardian, 17 December).

After a 7.7 percent drop in investment in 1981, French capitalists reduced their investment by six percent in The story is the same throughout Europe.

The consequences of this fall in investment are the destruction of industry, falling output and rising unemployment.

The capitalists in every major capitalist country realise that there is no national solution to today's depression.

italist class of one nation can only survive at the expense of its foreign rivals. There are three main ways in which capitalists have tried to beat the crisis: through expansion of trade, the extension of The major event in British politics in 1982 was the South Atlantic War.

Most British commentators - left as well as right - perceived the war normal political life. In fact, it confirmed a trend towards imperialist intervention in the Third World.

The USA had long been building up its presence in Latin America and increasingly in the Middle East. France had launched a series of raids into Central Africa. Sooner or later, a larger confrontation was inevitable - and it turned out to be in the South Atlantic.

In this special eight-page feature we survey the tendencies towards credit, or by directing the flow of capital into new sectors of investment. However, all these ialist rivalries and have a particularly devastating impact on of Asia, Latin America and Africa.

Exporting capital and troops The capitalists of all nations are frantically World searching for new spheres of profitable investment. Because of their particularly domestic problems, italists are in the forefront of the drive to export capital abroad.

for the ruling class is that with profit trend. rates so low, overseas investments are not likely to compensate for Britain's stagnation at home. But this simply makes Britain's quest for outlets overseas even The more desperate. sequence of this capital export drive is the reassertion of more direct imperialist control over the backward countries. The expansionist trend is most clear in and the case of Japan, the most successful exporter of capital. Japan has already taken on the other imperialist powers in their traditional spheres of influence edging the US out of Brazil and threatening Britain in South Africa. Now Japan is ready to tighten its grip over South East Asia. In a recent feature on 'Security in Asia', the Financial Times suggested that Japan 'should not be discouraged from shouldering a greater part of the military burden which, after all, is largely there to defend its own economic interests' (9 1982. November). In fact, Japan does not need advice from the Financial Times, it is already doing its best to transform the region into its economic fiefdom.

One important consequence export of capital is the growing tendency The captowards political and military intervention in backward capitalist invasion of Argentine territory by Britain, CIA plots in Central America and the occupation of Lebanon by the troops of the imperialist 'peace-keeping' force during

INTERNATIONAL SURVEY 1982

1982 are solutions exacerbate imper fierce been the countries technology has, dominated by British cap- Thus Japan has The trouble drive to form technology long-term concapitalist which counmies, ialist firms. trial revolution, deficit on August). To make of the Treasury The to increase by five per cent.

couses. Second World the ructions within the economic collapse, social turmoil and military atrocities in southern Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. We begin by reviewing a trend which is bound to gather momentum in 1983 - rivalry among the big imperialist powers. The growing conflict between these rapidly rearming nations is the major drive towards war today.

The international survey concludes with special features on three particular issues in European politics - the plight of the Soviet economy, the instability of the Polish bureaucracy and the rise of social democratic parties in Southern Europe.

symptoms of the move towards a new carve-up of the world.

Over the past 12 months, there has competition to dominate the new technology sectors. Unlike most traditional manufacturing industry, new until been recently, the United States. But during the past few years, Japan has established an important foothold, while Europe has been edged out altogether.

managed to capture that 40 per cent of the world microprocessor market, while Europe supplies less than 10 per cent (Financial Times, 13 December). France has launched a determined all-European highan cartel. The bitter struggle which has erupted has potential to disrupt many of the links that at present hold the imperialist world together.

Only the strong survive Europe, A key element in the survival tactics of the imperialist countries is to maintain and extend their share of the world firms market. Since the total volume of world trade fell in 1982, the fight for a shrinking market has become more and more ferocious. Exports to backward capitalist important for were imperialism in the 'seventies, are now in decline. Even the better-off oil-producing regions lack the cash to buy from imper- Britain and the EEC countries are loosing out badly in the battle for markets. In August, The Economist reported that for the first time since the indus- Britain has gone into system. manufacturing trade (28 cted that orse 1983 has predicted that in there will be no increase in the volume of exports, whilst imports are expected In 1982 the most bitter rivalries since War have caused imperialist The three main trading blocs - Japan, the US and the EEC - have been fighting it out on all fronts. The intensification of inter-imperialist conflicts was particularly manifest over the Siberian pipeline project, steel and agricultural goods. In November, there was a vain attempt to patch up the differences at the meeting of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). But nothing could be done to save free trade. The editor of the Financial Times concluded sombrely protectionism has been acknowledged as an unfortunate fact of life' (30 November). The growth of protectionism, frantic proliferation of import controls, quotas and regulations designed to curb competition, inevitably lead towards a trade war. Every corner of the globe becomes a prized possession in the struggle to redivide the world. The United States has threatened to launch a food war against the EEC has whilst promised to retaliate in a similar fashion.

The sanctions that Reagan put on European that supplied machines for the Siberian pipeline project have already, in the words of the Trilateral Commission Report, 'strained severely relations within the Western Alliance' (The Times, 9 September). But this is just the beginning.

If trade rivalries continue to build up at anything like the present rate, the Western Alliance will soon cease to exist.

The big bang All the conflicts among the big capitalist powers are threatening to precipitate an imminent collapse of the world financial This is because, to keep the system going, the imperialist powers have been extending credit on an enormous scale. The United States, alone, is expected to increase its national debt by $500 billion in the next three years (Business Week, 16 August). The real problem lies in international lending. Throughout the 'seventies, the imperialist banks have been making large (continued on p16) the next step, January 1983 15

International (continued from page 15) scale loans to East European and Third World These loans governments. then used to buy goods from imperialist countries, and thus to help Now these countries are so world trade. debt they much that bring down the whole banking system.

There is scarcely a Third World country that is in any position to pay its debt.

Between them, they owe $500 billion dollars, of which almost half is owed by Latin American countries: Brazil, Mexico and Argentina. A recent report by the Inter-American Development Bank noted that Latin America's running at more than 200per percent of its export reserves (Financial November). The situation is the same in Africa where, although the total amount is smaller, the countries are much poorer.

The imperialist banking desperate to avoid defaulting major borrowers. The bankers are obliged keep postponing repayment, at the same time maintaining a flow of loans to keep the system going. Since banks are not prepared to lend on their own account, imperialist have been forced to step in. Even Reagan, who in the past has been reluctant to bail out bad borrowers, has had to change his tune. In December he agreed to increase the International Monetary Fund's lending resources by $30 billion to $95 billion. As the year closed, the international banking scene Was The City of London was inundated with requests to help out potential borrowers.

Just as the IFM bailed out Zambia, the Bank of England received news that Mexico was going to go under.

The Bank's deputy governor immediately issued instructions to representatives of 50 UK clearing banks to 'set an example by putting together a new loan package for Mexico. The 'stability of the international monetary system' was at stake, so British banks were asked to cough up $500m. Two days later, banks could breathe a sigh of relief, came even worse news. The Bank of England was demanding that British banks join in $1.1 billion international Argentina! British loans to Argentina show that the imperialist bankers are not sentimental. The spirit of the taskforce notwithstanding, business is business. The integrity of the banking system is more important than some cheap flag waving. The Guardian summed it all up: "The Government is being forced to acknowledge that there will be costs in the Falklands campaign that go beyond the loss of weapons and indeed lives in that conflict. If Argentina were to repudiate its debt that would be such a cost' (17 December).

The desperate seasures postpone the collapse system indicate the scale of the problem.

Credit cannot, at this stage of the recession, help curb the tendency towards of collapse. the words In Paul bourgeois economist 'Deficits do not have the same expansionary kick they had back in the 'forties, 'sixties' (Business Week, 'fifties or August). Not only has credit lost its kick', 'expansionary but become a problem in its own right. It is only a matter of time before the existing banking system tumbles like a house of cards. The end is nigh The recession is still in its early phase.

But already it is wreaking havoc in backward capitalist countries. In Latin America 16 the next step, January 1983 and Africa, head is falling. maintain World it means famine, The scrape together total debt was face and, increasingly, Times, South Africa returns from system is by any in Lebanon, whilst abundantly clear in 1982.

war to a shooting war. governments rivals. in the fast. In the approaching farce. served by its interests might Kenya and starting one. USA's the before the bers of loan to (Financial Times, the moment against leave taken to completely. of the banking December celebrated Samuelson: 16 it has also of its warheads of this decade. shown, Ene becoming boost to isolationist

USA.

This Ted resolution to population growth outstrips output and gross domestic product per Africa, Sub-Saharan particular, is facing a major struggle just to feed its population. Almost half of its export earnings have to be directed towards payment of interest charges.

Europe the recession brings mass unemployment and poverty; in the Third disease and a daily death toll of tens of thousands.

Third World is being forced to pay the price of the crisis of imperialism.

Workers and peasants who manage to subsistence living Western-backed repressive regimes Western troops enforcing the subjugation of the masses. As north its strikes across borders and the British invasion force the South Atlantic and American marines join French legionaires the dangers of colonialstyle expansion and terror have become It is but a short step from a trade The world recession has pushed all the major imperialist powers into programmes of rearmament and military preparation to defend and advance their interests against their "Deterrence, the system of international supremacy America established fifties and 'sixties, when it was at the height of its power, is crumbling past, challenged that its interests were best 'preventing' a world war. In 1983 America may be so harassed that be best served by USA vs USSR: no contest As 1982 closed, Ronald Reagan's claims, that the USSR was intent on exploiting vulnerability of by launching a pre-emptive first strike against US missile silos, became more and more insistent. For the first time since the dawn of the nuclear age, America maintained that it was actually behind the USSR in weaponry. How true is this?

At the most basic level, that of numwarheads, nuclear the Soviet Union trails the USA by 7300 to 9300 October). Much 28 more important is the fact that the USSR has 75 per cent of its warheads on landbased missiles, whereas most of America's are kept on submarines. This means that, although the Soviets are in a better position to launch a first strike (because at land-based missiles only can be launched with the requisite accuracy, this advantage counts for little Because a first strike can only be directed fixed silos, a Soviet one would America's submarines untouched and thus able to obliterate Soviet cities America is still king of deterrence it can deter a first strike. Thus, Reagan's MX initiative is not at all a question of establishing a land-based missile system less vulnerable to an imminent Soviet first strike than the Minute- Soviet first strike is just not imminent. What the MX represents is an opportunity to launch an American first strike against Soviet silos - a first strike to which the USSR, with only a quarter on submarines and airplanes, would be in little position to reply.

Such is the 'balance' of East-West military power we can look forward to for the rest Western Europe won't play ball The USA invokes the 'Soviet menace' as a way of binding the ruling classes of Western Europe to Washington. The USA desperately needs to promote this unity in face of the tendencies towards fragmentation within the Western Alliance.

However, as the last 12 months have West European bourgeoisie increasingly unwilling to accept the American embrace.

The burof the Eurogeoning anti-Americanism pean capitalist powers has had two consequences in the USA. First, it gave a big sentiment in the Senator cohered around Steven's unprecedentedly popular cut 18 000 soldiers from America's 350 000 troops in West Germany. Second, it made Reagan backtrack: May, he followed up his earlier • in 'zero option' proposals on Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF), with a call for

USA/USSR

Strategic Arms Talks (START) • in June, he visited major West European capitals in an attempt to reassure his allies that the USA was not bent on warmongering in Europe • in November, he got NATO chief Bernard Rogers to suggest that Western Europe turn in some of its nuclear equipment for conventional weapons.

All these gestures, proved of little avail. Reagan has met dissension from even his most loyal West European allies: • on INF, West German premier and Americanophile Helmut Kohl has refused to take any more Cruise and Pershing than his missiles predecessor Schmidt • on strategic arms, Reagan's announcement of the MX missile has drawn criticism from all sorts of respectable sources • on a limited war in Europe, America's December decision to construct a fallback from Stuttgart' NATO warfighting command and control centre in Britain has caused consternation in Bonn • on the Rogers proposals for more conventional weapons, 'raise the nuclear threshold' in Europe by a 'no early use' policy has run into only snags. At present, Norway are meeting America's demand for three per cent increases a year; and all NATO's European members suspect that purchases of (largely electronic warfare technology costly and likely to strengthen US hegemony, rather than pean as Everywhere he looks, Reagan finds transatlantic tensions attempts to win Western Europe back to the fold are likely to falter still more in 1983. Exploiting the contradictions As Western Europe appears more recalcitrant to the USA, so the Soviet Union appears less and less of a real menace.

Every move the USSR makes reveals its feebleness. Leonid Brezhnev's March declaration of a moratorium on the deployment of SS-20s and his call in the same speech for a freeze on strategic weapons merely upheld the status quo works to. America's massive advantage.

Brezhnev's June proclamation of a "no first use' policy on nuclear weapons was almost the same as giving the Americans the green light for a first strike.

The USSR is in no position to switch its missiles from which are undoubtedly the technology of the future. Yet its proposal to the START talks is for equal numbers of launchers for each side - which would leave the USA free to keep most of its warheads on submarines. able to catch up the USA in conventional electronic Wande supplied Israel gave Soviet-supplied Syria Lebanon's Beka'a Valley last in showed all too clearly (Business Week, 20 September). All the Soviet Union can do is try to take advantage of divisions in the ranks of its imperialist can play Reduction The relations among West Germany, remain to a however, have Disagreements •On every issue in Helmut labour is however, rearmament

USA

Yet, discreetly, this attempt to dent Britain and deployment force. American) will be reinforce its Euromany increasing. His is presiding is moving rapidly arms race - which and Britain. land to submarines, launcher During Nor will it be the pasting US. June It's them or us. The Siberian enemies. pipeline episode in 1982 showed how it off European and American rivals against one another to considerable effect. Increasing conflicts within NATO will provide more and more scope for this traditional style of Soviet foreign policy.

It is a better guarantee of the survival of the Soviet bureaucracy than all its obsolete and inefficient weaponry.

Squabbles among allies the three main military powers in Western Europe France and Britain large extent unresolved. the EEC bloc reveal the conflicts.

With the increasing significance of conventional weapons, there is a major drive for Western Europe to become more self-reliant in the field. But costs can only be kept under control if a division of France, established. which runs a flourishing export trade in arms is keen on this idea. West Germany, fears that going it alone in Europe might make a conventional war more likely on its borders. Major German might also encourage the to withdraw nuclear protection Germany has already begun to prepare for war.

French premier Francois Mitterand is going all-out to build up his indepennuclear force de frappe. Some French militarists have started to call for the withdrawal of French troops stationed in West Germany. Even Britain, under the guise of the post-Falklands defence review, is ready to establish a new rapid All the major European powers are adopting more militaristic postures. Gerand France, in paruculal, are moving inexorably in an aggressively antidirection. An even greater potential threat to the USA comes from Japan. New premier Yasuhiro Nakasone over a burgeoning rearmament programme. Japan's expertise in micro-chip technology will allow it to catch up with America in conventional And Japan weapons almost overnight.

US spheres of

TITO

influence in the Middle East and Latin America, as well as in South East Asia.

Only one way to stop them The 'eighties mark the beginning of a new one in which the major protagonists are not the Soviet Union and the USA, but the USA, Japan, Germany At first the testing ground will be the more exposed regions of the backward capitalist world. However, it is only a matter of time before imperialism drags the whole world into its destructive struggle to survive. The drift towards war is beyond the control of any capitalist country or bourgeois politician - imperialism must destroy to survive the First World • War Lenin wrote that the crisis of imperialism posed to the world two alternatives or barbarism. Sixty years later, the choice between those two alternatives is more stark than at any time in the history of the world, so great has the destructive capacity of the capitalist class become.

The only thing that can stop them is a working class anti-imperialist movement.

James Wood

SOUTH

AFRICA'S

ground to a halt in 1982. As gold prices on the world market fell, rate fell precipitately eight per cent in 1980 to an anticipated one per cent last year. Inflation ran at around 15 per cent throughout the year, while the productivity and competitiveness of South African industry declined.

Government has been obliged to impose a surcharge of 10 per cent on the flood of imports and impose strict fiscal controls. It has been forced to go cap in hand to ask the

IMF

massive foreign borrowing programme.

The regime's attempts to deal with the economic crisis dictions of the apartheid state. South African capitalism desperately needs a modern, skilled, organised and rated working class. only create such a working class out of the black masses on whose oppression the very survival South African state depends heid is a barrier to the economic development of South Africa; but apartheid must be maintained to political stability of the existing regime.

Over the past year, the Government has attempted to modify some of the restrictions of the apartheid to provoke divisions class itself. Barriers to reform All the major political controversies in South Africa in 1982 reflected this basic conflict. The Government pressed ahead with a bill to black trade unions and accord negotiating powers. At the same time, it did not hesitate to turn out its vicious riot police to deal with striking workers in the traditional manner. Around 20 trade union leaders have been detained without trial over the past 18 months.

One - Dr Neil Aggett - died after being tortured in police custody.

The state passed another law conceding municipal status to black urban townships, thus accepting the existence of settlements of black workers outside the Accommodation for black homelands. workers in the cities is vital to provide manpower for industry. Yet the maintenance of apartheid rests on the homelands policy of 'separate development' for blacks in remote and barren rural areas. This policy took a step forward in November with the establishment of South African Development incorporating Transkei, Ciskei, Bophuthatswana and Venda. While black townships official won approval, raids and mass deportations back to the homelands continued as usual. Traditionalists within the Government are now promoting the 'Orderly Movement and Settlement of Persons Bill' which effectively imposes a curfew on blacks in almost white towns controls. its growth from a record pushed ahead with of Botha's reform' ruling class. to underwrite a expose all the contra- 'power-sharing' integit can However, porating the 2.5m systematic of the Apartpopulation guarantee the he section by Dr Andries system only within the ruling heid system. Party. threatens to align recognise unregistered them Botha's capitalism. Weerstandsbeweging) the uncovering within the ruling class. divisions among South Bank regular dawn in an ounce and tightens up influx South African premier P W Botha has measures designed to provide industry with black labour power of the requisite standard. He has encouraged schemes for better education and skills training and the living standards of black workers in certain sectors have been allowed to rise over the past few years. It was, however, the next stage strategy that precipitated serious disagreements within the Botha proposed to amend the South African constitution to replace the existing all-white House of Assembly with a President's Council. This would include not black, but 'Coloured" and Asian representatives. His aim was to broaden the base of the regime by incor- 'Coloureds' and the 1.5m people of Asian origin alongside the 4.5m whites who currently have a monopoly of political representation in South Africa. Even though 75 percent of the - 21m blacks were still excluded, this modification of apartheid was too much for a substanof bourgeois opinion. Led Treurnicht, they perceived this measure as the thin edge of a wedge designed to open up the apart- Taking a stand on the intransigent traditions of the Afrikaners, 'Dr No' led a split from Botha's National His new Conservative Party now with the even more right-wing Herstigte Nasionale Party to become a serious challenge to Botha.

reforms are pragmatic responses to the problems of South African Resistance to them the 1S instinctive reaction of a ruling class that recognises that its survival rests on keeping the black masses down through the apartheid system. The recent mass arrest of leaders of the fascist AWB (Afrikaner organisation and of its large-scale arms caches indicates the scale of the tensions The AWB has close links with both the Conservative Party and the HNP, as well as substantial support within the civil service, the armed forces and among mineworkers. Indeed, the miners' strike of July 1982 played an important part in bringing to a head the Africa's leaders. A closer look at the strike shows the difficulties facing the ruling class.

Divisions down the mines Gold is the lifeblood of the South African economy. Many of its current problems can be attributed to the decline in international gold prices from a peak of $850 1981 to less than $300 an ounce last June. By July South Africa's gold mines had experienced a 35 per cent fall in pre-tax profits. They had no The cracks begin to show shows the direction of South African in the ruling National Party. Charles Longford reports.

alternative but to launch a major. drive increase productivity profits by cutting wages. Their attempts to do this brought them head on into difficulties arising from a racially segre- BaLike most South African industry, most mining suffers skilled labour. Most employers recognise that the only of blacks into introduction supervisory and minor managerial pos- Thus the Wiehahn Commission in 1981 recommended, in the spirit of Botha's reforms, that blacks be recruited and trained for more skilled jobs in the gold mines. The main barrier to this was the federation of white miners' unions.

Ever since the miners went on the rampage against the introduction of black mines, job reservation given the unions virtual control of the labour market. Their control over the issue of "blasting certificates' effectively restricts all skilled Wiehahn advocated the ending of this monopoly and the breakdown reservation as essential in the cause of keeping mining profitable.

At the same time, the boom in gold prices and a shortage created the conditions for wage rises to black workers in the mines. Since 1979 differentials between white workers have declined from By the beginning of 1982, the right-wing. Mine Workers

UNHOLE

Union - stood out for the preservation of the white skilled jobs monopoly and the maintenance of differentials.

employers were determined for a showdown with the white unions in the mines force down wages. LO owners had to take on their white workers at the same time as they were trying to force through real wages of black mine workers.

proved to be crucial. entered negotiations over wages Pa Jus

MWU

leader reservation, his union nearly split in two.

A letter to the MWU newspaper, signed 45 skilled workers put the rank and by file view: We do not want any longer to be members of unions which, without consulting us, take very important resolutions and undertakings sell out their members in favour blacks.' Like the leaders Party, the white posed any relaxation of the system of apartheid. While the white miners and the employers were confrontation, black workers came out on strike in tens of thousands against their paltry pay offer. The Government acted decisively to defend the privileged position of the whites and to smash the The recession has forced the South African ruling class to reorganise its relations with the neighbouring countries of southern Africa and with its own working class. December's raid into Lesotho, following a series of military interventions in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe, regime is bent on destabilising southern Africa as a means of consolidating its economic and political control over the whole region. It is, however, its attempts to deal with the working class at home that have exposed the tensions within the apartheid system and led to a split raise arrested a chronic shortage of narrowing, solution is the gradual skilled. to the regime, overrule the section twenties, when white workers to the legislation has crisis at the same month, work to whites. of job strike for of black labour and black 20:1 to 5:1. only one joined them. The 'institutional unication' The mine cuts in the their interests This was happening Paulus reasons.' (25 May) of the of the Conservative miners resolutely op- The apartheid state, shaping up for ern Africa. a

USA,

its commitment to International

SOUTH AFRICA

foreign policy. The Pretoria black workers' militancy.

In the ensuing riots in early July, 10 blacks were killed, hundreds injured or and thousands sent back the homelands. Government intervention forced management to increase its pay offer to the white workers while keeping black wages down. After three years of differentials were widened once again. A satisfied MWU leadership called off its threatened strike action.

the interests of preserving political stability and the loyalty of white workers the state stepped in to of a particular attempts of capitalists organise its industry in the most efficient way.

The new unions Black workers throughout 1982 displayed determined resistance to the attempts of the ruling class to resolve the economic their expense. In February 120 000 workers demonstrated over the murder in detention of Neil Aggett. In 1800 workers in 20 factories on the East Rand came out on wage In September

OSCS.

10 000 workers in different car factories also took industrial action.

However, rising unemployment and increasing austerity have inevitably helped the authorities to discipline the black working class.

The trade unions have also played a key role in containing workers' militancy.

The independent black trade unions have mushroomed since the late 'seventies than 250 000 workers have The more percipient employers have recognised these unions and tried to use them - with some success of channels command control. The narrow bureaucratic and conservative outlook of some of the independent trade union leaders has deterred workers' defence of The Financial Times could see what Most of the strike action is not directed by the unions - indeed their job has often consisted of trying to keep up with shop.

floor militancy rather than in encouraging it.

There is a growing sense of power among black workers who are often unwilling to listen to unionists who urge caution for

A GICA

South Africa faces an uncertain future.

Its problems in trying to resolve its economic difficulties within the rigidities of the apartheid system are likely to get worse as the world recession deepens.

however, remains a powerful force for barbarism in south- The powerful support of the and to a lesser extent, Britain, will back the apartheid regime till the end. The black masses face a ruling class that is divided but uniformly ruthless in white supremacy the next step, January 1983 17

International

LATIN AMERICA

THE WORLD RECESSION has two major consequences in Latin America.

decline of the USA as First, the major imperialist power has opened up Latin America to its competitors. Whilst economically the USA has lost its hegethe hemisphere, mony over it still remains dominant. What it lacks in the way of competitive investment and commodities, the USA has to try to make up with grand presidential tours and the formation of military alliances and dependencies. Second, the recession has thrown virtually every in the region in to turmoil. poorer ot Centra

COUSCS

falling world prices for their cash-crops mean mass starvation and disease violent repression for those who try to change the system. For the more industrialised countries Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela - the recession has brought rising debts, and stagnation Throughout Latin America the military is never far from the seat of political power: arbitrary arrest, torture, imprisonand execution of socialists and ment ace moss ecs common place in virtually every country.

Eagle in decline South America remains of great import-

USA.

ance to the billion of US direct investment - 80 per cent of US private investment in the backward capitalist world - and provides 18 the next step, January 1983 Honduras was Ronald Reagan's last stop in his end-of-year Latin American tour. His advisors assured him that 'if Honduras falls to the Marxists, so does the rest of Central America' (Financial Times, 3 December). US ambassador and Vietnam veteran John Negroponte endorsed this revival of the old domino theory, commenting uneasily that it's a helluva lot closer to home than Saigon' (The Guardian, 7 December).

American-backed guerrillas invading Nicaragua from Honduras, Americanbacked regular soldiers fighting insurgents in El Salvador, Americanbacked forces conducting a rule of terror in Guatemala - all threaten to turn the whole of Central America into an even bigger bloodbath in 1983. This year it may well be US troops visiting Latin America rather than their president. However, not only is Latin America nearer home than Vietnam, the USA is also now in a much weaker state to fight a foreign war. The impoverished masses of Central America may have to pay a terrible price for the USA to be proved a two-time loser.

A lot closer than Vietnam British soldiers en route for the Falklands: who will be Latin America's next unwelcome visitors?

the politically Salvador, US share country For the America, cent. France, away from the USA. Brazil, inflation, industrial instability. the internal regimes on holds over $30 backed Britain, interests markets for one sixth of US exports.

However, European countries and Japan have been gaining ground steadily since the 'seventies. The US has been displaced Brazil, as the main trading partner of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay while its imperialist rivals have begun to outdo the US in importing goods from Chile, Nicaragua and Peru. The of Latin America's export trade fell from 17 per cent in 1953 to nine per cent in 1976. The same problem applies to investment, where US companies have lost many large-scale projects to both European and Japanese companies. From 1971 to 1978, for example, the US share of foreign investment in Brazil fell from 38 percent to 30 per particular, also moved in to take lucrative arms contracts In the long term, the greatest threat to US interests in South America comes from its imperialist rivals. At present, however, its major problems arise from instability client the subcontinent. Thus the Argentinian junta's decision to retake the Malvinas from Britain was determined by domestic factors with little regard to the consequences for US imperialism. Britain's subsequent invasion of the South Atlantic revealed the extent to which the USA had lost control in its own backyard domain.

The USA dithered for a month before it weighed up the as it uncomfortable choice between its specific maintaining good relations within Latin America and its common interests with other imperialist powers in opposing such acts of anti-imperialist aggression. As a result of its eventual backing for Britain, soured throughout Latin America. US plans to secure assistance from American countries to help Latin down anti-government tral America received a major setback.

Argentina itself was to have played a key role in this strategy of forging an 'anticommunist crusade - initially by training a 1000-strong counter-insurgency force.

Over the last four months American officials have worked hard to try to repair the damage done during the Malvinas war, but progress has been slow. voted in favour of a Latin resolution calling for negotiations and tween Britain United Nations in November. In formal diplomatic terms, this gesture re-established the US commitment to the hemispheric alliance. But it will take more than UN votes to restore America's Reagan's five-day tailored to fit the post-Malvinas scene. A US-proposed meeting between and President Bignone of Argentina on the Brazil-Argentine border was rejected by the Argentines. In the end, visited Brazil, Columbia, Costa Rica and Honduras and had additional meetings with the presidents of El Salvador and Guatemala on the final leg.

Brazil was stop. He was fulsome in his praise for the by the USA. military in the USA the region Apart from military economies. the backward in through the system been largest nine and with $80 Argentina them In the Brazil, Chile, 1980 declining exposed the which had pects that the Latin of 6 December). economies afloat. US relations were other tough put forces in Cenworking class. up in most countries. Desperate The US $1.5

DITOR

American permanent beat the Argentina and many of because position. December tour was request but Reagan inter-imperialist Reagan crisis. Reagan's most important Figueiredo regime. In 1975 Brazil signed a deal with Germany to buy eight nuclear power stations - a move deeply resented The US Government working towards the re-establishment of training for Brazilian personnel - an arrangement abruptly terminated by Brazil in 1977. 'Brazil is a key political and economic force in and an increasingly important actor on the world political stage?, Reagan told his hosts, hoping that the USA might be the beneficiary.

Buying time cementing political and alliances, Reagan's tour also aimed to do something about the parlous financial state of the Latin American for Reagan The problem however is that there is very little he can do except talk emptily about closer economic ties. The USA has no ready cash to bale out its debtors. The debt crisis first broke when Mexico declared itself bankrupt during the summer.

With more than $80 billion in foreign debt, Mexico is the largest debtor nation capitalist world. August the Mexican government finally admitted that it could no longer meet its financial obligations. A shock-wave spread imperialist countries. default on debt repayments would have caused a collapse in the world banking and the USA would have hardest hit. Over the years the US banks have lent the equivalent of 50 per cent of their capital and reserves to Mexico. Now the IMF together with 1600 banks are involved in a $16 billion rescue operation.

The world banking system can survive the Mexican collapse in the short term by pouring in more money. But Mexico isn't alone. Other Latin American countries rank high in the foreign debt league are running into similar financial problems: Brazil shares Mexico's position billion of debt; next comes $40 billion. Between with the Latin American nations owe $300 billion - more than half the debt of the entire backward capitalist world credit stimulated seventies export markets in Latin America. Mexico Venezuela, Argentina - all experienced rapid growth rates. But by commodity prices had continuing backwardness and fragility of the economies. As growth rates plummeted it became clear that there was no money to repay the loans financed The expansion Bank ex- Development American economies will show an average growth rate 1.6 percent in 1982 (Newsweek, Massive new borrowing must be forthcoming just to keep the But the US has more to fear than a few banks going under. Economic collapse throughout Latin America necessitates against the Political upheavals are inevitable: already demonstrations have taken over the streets of most capitals and new guerrilla groups have sprung measures at -the international level will stave off the immediate economic problems. The IMF is finalising new loans of $3.9 billion to Mexico, Argentina and $5-6 billion to Brazil but this provides no respite. Such loans will stretch the IMF resources to the limit imperialist countries are reluctant to meet the IMF's emergency request for a doubling of quotas. Today, banks' own exposure and its particular interests in Latin America, the US is backing the opposition from meeting Europe and Japan. US treasury secretary Donald Regan has even proposed a joint approach the debt to Not surprisingly, other imperialist countries are reluctant to help bale out the US from its particular plight. Whatever new lending is agreed the threat of political upheaval within Latin America will only be temporarily held back.

Phil Murphy

The Balkans of our times THE IMPERIALIST POWERS face two big problems in the Middle East - one another and the resistance of the masses.

The manoeuvres of the major capitalist nations around the continuing conflict between Israel and the Palestinian people indicate the struggle for power region. Each capitalist country pursues its own self-interest in a new carve-up of one of the world's most important sources of raw materials and spheres of The Iran-Iraq investment. the threat posed by the rising tide of sentiment in an u-1m penalst world for the regimes of the area and their Western backers. The vultures The recession has cut world demand for oil, despite falling revenues

DUL

Middle East is one of the few investment and trade growth areas in today. During 1982 a steady stream of European and American leaders toured vying for the favours the

TICHOL

local potentates and seeking For the USA, export Habib did the rounds. Britain sent first Lord Carrington, then Francis Pym - not to mention the Queen. Germans and Japanese, too, sent foreign ministers and trade delegations.

For the USA, according to Commerce Department expert Albert "the Middle East represents the fastest if not the only world for US exporters' (Middle East Economic Digest, 1982 the US chalked up a $5000 million surplus on its trade in the area.

Britain is managing to improve its pos- East Trade Middle ition. chair Lord Selsdon describes the region as "the biggest growth area in the world".

Britain notched up a trade surplus of $1710 million in of 1982. Exports from the UK to the 18 Arab states and Iran increased by 18 per cent on 1981 - Saudi Arabia and Iraq are the biggest buyers. France also has a major stake in Iraq. French contractbuilding Baghdad's new airport and rebuilding the Tomuz nuclear reactor, bombed by Israel last year. Germany has boosted its exports to the Middle East: cars, electrical goods, and iron doubled in volume in 1982.

For Japan the Gulf is the major source of overseas construction contracts.

While all the big imperialist powers have boosted capital and commodity exports to the Middle East, the relative position of the USA has steadily declined.

After the Second World War, America pushed Britain out of the region. Now important share in the nations are war reveals Arab une strengthening the the world 1500 US close ties with Israel. of to grab Philip turn the oppression French, The

USA,

Planagan, - growing market in the Fez the December). In Even Camp Committee occupation the first six months December). Continuing and peasants in chemicals borders. region, Organisation.

THE MIDDLE EAST

military France, Germany and Japan are squeezing the USA out. In Saudi Arabia, the most of the Gulf states, US the mant in 1975 to seven per cent in 1982r has fallen All the economic conflicts of the Western expressed in their relations with Israel and the Palestinians.

No Palestinian 'solution' The United States assumed the role of guarantor of imperialist interests in the Middle East after 1945: its local agent is the Israeli state it helped to create.

Israel is largely financed and armed by the USA to enforce imperialist domination over the whole region. The problem for the USA is that its economic interests in Arab relations with the countries run counter to its global political and military responsibilities. In recent years Arab states have boycotted around firms because of America's The very existence of Israel implies the oppression of the Palestinian people.

In Palestinian of the people means their resistance against the Israeli state and its imperialist supporters.

No 'peace plan' cobbled together in the Britain, Brussels, Egypt, Jordan or Saudi Arabia can reconcile the opposing claims to the region of Palestine by the Zionist state and Palestinians.

In 1982 the Camp David agreement was succeeded by the Fahd plan, the Reagan proposals, summit and the Jordanian scheme. But the year that began with the withdrawal of Israeli settlements from occupied Sinai, as a last gesture towards David, ended with new Israeli settlements on the West Bank.

Zionist leader Israel Harel aims to make the "irreversible' SO that the withdrawal from Sinai cannot be repeated in Judea and Samaria' (Newsweek, 20 Palestinian resistance continuing Israeli oppression is inevitable.

The Palestinians are scattered throughout the Arab world and their plight arouses the sympathy and solidarity of workers Arab country. Many Arab regimes are therefore forced to take a stand against Israel's merciless onslaught against the Palestinian freedom fighters both within and beyond its own For the USA's rivals in the this presents an opportunity to cement relations with the Arab world at the expense of the Americans. Hence, the French Government has taken the lead in recognising the Palestine Liberation The EEC as a whole has approved the PLO's inclusion in negot- Last year began with the Israeli seizure of the Golan Heights from Syria; it ended with the refusal of the Israelis to leave a Lebanon its forces have occupied and devastated. When 1982 opened the Iraqi was embroiled in a war inside Iran; when it closed Iranian troops were bogged down inside Iraq. The First World War began with the carve-up of the Balkans in Central Europe; the Third World War may well begin with the re-division of the Middle East.

the future over East. Japan has discreetly similar line. The USA has tried to distance itself from Israel to maintain relations with the Arab world. But it has limited room to manoeuvre. The Reagan Government may express misgivings about the aggressive posturing of Israeli premier Menachem Begin, denounce the massacres of Palestinians in Lebanon and Zionist Alexander Haig with man more sympathetic to the Arabs. But the US problem has been its military reliance on Israel to safeguard the imperialist order. As a result, the USA has had to hang in there with Israel. However, sending of US marines, with troops from Europe, to Lebanon shows that the USA is now preparing to assume direct responsibility for military action. The US Rapid Deployment Force is now being strengthened under a unified command structure.

The spectre of the Shah The Arab regimes rhetorical denunciations of Israel, but they talk less and act much more decisively when it comes to any challenge to their rule from within. Over Gulf states have united in face of a the potential internal threat in the form of an external enemy: Iran. Iran has tempered their criticisms of Israel's backers in whom the Gulf states, too, depend heavily for military hardware Iran is a threat to its Arab neighbours because of its considerable econpartly omic strength, but largely because of the anti-imperialist character revolution. The of the Middle pursued a radical eini

CHEES

to form of replace increases Shultz, have received Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Emirates and Qatar. the fear being military quick to issue that they countries. the past year instability Their hostility ments Washington on makes inevitable to suffer. of its recent the same in 1983. Khomeini regime has One of many Palestinian victims of imperialism in the refugee camps of Beirut International exploited the progressive sentiments of the masses to consolidate a reactionary anti-working class regime which is no real threat to the imperialist powers. However, mass popular mobilisation that ousted the Shah and installed Khominfluential example the masses of the Arab world. The fact that it is expressed in Iran in the militant Shite Islam only its destabilising potentia. throughout the Gulf where Shiite masses face Sunni Moslem ruling elites.

The armies of Iraq's Suddam Hussein major financial aid from the United Arab Massive loans have far lessened the impact of the war on Iraq's fragile economy. The rulers of the Gulf states back Iraq because they deposed like the Shah of Iran by their own peoples. The Islamic radicalism represented by Iran has shocked the Gulf states into a major armament However their lack of expertise or experience means have but te 2380 turn to the USA and other imperialist So far Iraq has managed to contain the Islamic revolution in Iran. But the of the entire region means that any one of the Gulf's dictatorships could be swept by insurrectionary move- The importance of the region further imperialist intervention - and just as in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon - the masses will be the ones The ruins of Beirut stand as a symbol of 1982. We can expect much more of Inez Landa the next step, January 1983 19

Andropov looks to nature International

SOVIET UNION

THE ABSENCE OF workers' democracy in the Soviet Union mitigates against any attempt to plan the economy. Genuine workers' management would provide social coherence, a continuous flow of information and an internal different branches consistency between of industry. Real workers' control is the precondition for the conscious distribution of society's resources. Without it, planning becomes a merely matter of issuing orders and verifying whether decisions have been implemented.

The very existence of the Soviet bureaucracy as a distinct social stratum represents the negation of not only workers' management but also of planning.

The bureaucracy's attempts failed because the system lacks a regulator for efficiently distributing the resources of society. The Soviet Union has neither the traditional capitalist mechanism - the market - for regulating the economy, nor the progressive alternative of the scious distribution of labour time through planning. The steps taken by the bureaucracy to overcome the absence of a social regulator of production in the 'thirties allowed for a degree of industrialisation.

However, the drastic measures used to build Soviet industry also contained the seeds of today's structural crisis.

The background to the crisis The secret of Soviet industrialisation lay in the ability of the bureaucracy to make huge investments in industry. Soviet bureaucrats were capitalists, the not constrained by the criterion of profitability and the pressures of the market when making investment decisions. Since the bureaucracy was both producer and consumer, it did not have to unduly about how much resources went making of the product the

MELO

whether it could be sold. In constrast to capitalism, goods produced did not have to be both exchange values and use values but only use values. This meant that there was a relative lack of constraint on the bureaucracy's utilisation of labour time.

In the "thirties, massive investments were made in industry. Millions of peasants were drawn into the factories and vast materials were amounts ot raw absorbed into production.

Drastic cuts in consumption also contributed to the steady flow of investment into industry.

20 the next step, January 1983 considerable formance From the bureaucracy's point of view, it didn't matter that much of this investment was squandered resources required to produce goods were production much greater than under capitalism. Their sole concern was to ensure that in the end at least part of the investment resulted in new industries and new products. Even if not all the products were use values at Thus, least some were. sacrifice technical tremendous sources, a new heavy industry was created.

This was possible because for the Soviet bureaucracy the only investment was the available resources and labour time.

Any working class state could legitimately decide to invest at a level which would be considered inefficient by capitalist standards. There is nothing wrong in principle with subsidising new industries. However, at a certain stage the struggle for a communist society demands that growth in

COLL"

based on rises in in industry, rather than on the continuous investment of resources from outside of industry. Through planning it is possible to establish a dynamic of growth and technological development.

from extensive to intensive development has inevitably eluded the bureaucracy.

Over the decades, has tried different methods to stimulate the intensive development of industry Some methods - like the assimilation of Unlike Western technology beneficial for a limited period. But, in general, attempts at economic reform have failed. Indeed, the growth of industry has put greater strains on bureaucratic And control. recently worry exhaustion OI raW and the so-called 'manpower shortages have forced the bureaucracy to cut down on investment. It appears as if nature has imposed its will on the Soviet economy.

The expressions of the crisis The Soviet bureaucracy lacks a regulator for the efficient allocation of labour.

Industrial development and a more complex division of labour create new problems because resources have to be distributed to a growing number of industries. This between different branches of production, combined with shortages of labour and The unplanned character of the Soviet economy has been a subject of debate amongst bureaucrats, directors and economists.

A symposium on economic planning in May could find little evidence of regulation in industry. It was admitted that 'there is still no clear understanding as to what criterion should be used for evaluating perresults' (Planovoye Khozyaistvo, May 1982). As a result, a growing proportion of Soviet society's resources are devoted to compensating for the chaos that envelops the economy. The outcome is stagnation and economic fragmentation. Frank Richards examines the scale of the crisis and the bureaucracy's solutions to it.

vestment. and the that decline. Productivity the to zero this year. through of society's reof new number restriction on of return on new physical limits of required produce an production should be labour productivity This shift cracy's down. the bureaucracy 1970 1980 -to 105.1 billion roubles. proved have the manifest material resources drawn up per year agriculture. will no sector lack of internal consistency well, industry. capacity. in problem: raw materials, limits the scope for in- The crisis of the Soviet economy is expressed in a number of ways. Increases in labour productivity have a tendency to fell from growth 8.2 per cent between 1932 and 1955 to 6.6 per cent between 1956 and 1960, to 4.6 per cent between 1961 and 1965 This decline is bad enough, but at the same time, each input in investment realises a smaller products; the Soviet bureaucrats call it the decline in the rate This means that to get an extra ton of coal in 1982 nation 21 percent more investment than during the previous five years. To extra rouble's worth of equipment costs 39.3 percent more.

calls or Recently an article in Pravda reported that the rate at which the cost of output is reduced has drastically slowed down.

During the Eighth Five Year Plan, the already cost of outlays was reduced by 4.9 per cent. Between 1975 and 1980, the cost of outlays only fell by 0.4 percent.

Evidence suggests that last year the average cost of output has not been reduced at all (Pravda, 28 June 1982). The bureauinvestment policy has broken The introduction of new technology has slowed down, and the volume of unfinished construction doubled from from 52.5 breakdown billion to Crac The bureaucracy's solution The bureaucracy has proved incapable of rationalising its investments. All that it has attempted is to change the flow of investment. The Eleventh Five Year Plan, in 1981, planned to limit increases in investment to one per cent the smallest increase in the Soviet Union's history. Not only has the ignored. bureaucracy restricted investment, it has also directed investment towards what it calls the 'fuel and power complex' and half of all capital complex Almost investment under the present Five Year Plan is earmarked for these sectors.

Developing agriculture and the energy the Soviet doubt help Union's balance of payments. But, more important still, it represents an attempt to recreate the conditions that allowed instability. for industrialisation in the first place In tapping nature's wealth, the bureaucracy hopes to find resources to invest in industry in the future. That is why one of the first major statements of the post- Brezhnev Central Committee emphasised the priority of tackling the problem of agriculture (Pravda, 12 December 1982).

It is unlikely that the bureaucracy's retreat into nature will work. It is true that as a result of the new pattern of investment the output of oil and gas is rising. But while these sectors are doing the rest of the economy remains The fuel and power complex crisis. 20 percent of all metal uses nearly produced in the USSR and around 15 per cent of the output of the machine tool Yet it is these very industries, which produce machines, equipment and special steel for the energy sector, that are themselves facing a crisis. The bureaucracy simply cannot develop agriculture and the energy sector without the necessary industrial inputs. But it has neither the capacity nor the resources to develop all these sectors at once.

The bureaucracy also faces the problem that a growing proportion of the products of its factories are not usevalues. They are simply non-use values The transportation system works at half Despite an acute shortage of rail cars, the lack of planning means that on average, rail cars are on the move just 120 days a year (Pravda, 30 June 1982).

Up to 40 per cent of the Soviet Union's inventory of machine tools are employed repairing faulty machines (Pravda, 7 May 1982). Consequently, considerable resources have to be devoted for the conversion of non-use values into useful objects. One Soviet expert outlined the *A situation has come about in which the producer, in effect, bears no responsibility for the operational effic iency of his output. After officially turning over the product, the producer walks away, and the customer is forced to correct any detects on his own in a makeshift fashion' (U Trapeznikov, 'Management and scientific and technical progress, Pravda, 7 May 1982). The emphasis on 'makeshift' is important. The only way that the system can survive is through makeshift arrangements to compensate tor the economic chaos The bureaucracy hopes to formalise and institutionalise these arrangements. Thus.

the 1982 Food Programme, which aims to increase agricultural output, calls for local initiative to make up for the stag of the agricultural sector. The Food Programme is not a strategy for increasing the efficiency of agriculture.

Rather, it is an attempt to involve new sections of Soviet society in farming. It everv tactorv to estabish an auxiliary farm. It encourages the growth of the private plot. Since these practices the Food Programme is exist, simply a means of institutionalising makeshift attempts to compensate for food shortages. The coming year will see more attempts by the new Soviet premier Andropov to encourage the instinct of self-preservation for the то таке ир bureaucracy's bankruptcy Cutting consumption Soviet workers. will pay the price for the Already, ot the economy. they have to work harder to feed themselves and their families. Now the bureauready to resolve the investment squeeze at their expense. The only way that the Soviet bureaucracy can be certain of finding new resources for investment is by reducing the living standards of the working class.

Andropov is loath to embark on an austerity programme. The experience of Poland is too fresh and too close to be So far, cuts in consumption have only hit state services such as sports facilities and education. But as the strategy of relying on the fuel and power meets its demise, the bureaucracy will have no choice but to attack the living standards of the working class.

That will mean that the Polish disease' will finally afflict the Soviet Union itself.

The present economic decline will give way to a protracted period of social

DURING THE PAST 12 months, Polish bureaucracy has sought in vain to neutralise opposition to its rule. Many activists. and ordinary workers have been beaten up and even murdered on the streets, while thousands of others have been detained. The campaign of terror was made

ACCESSO

isolation of the Polish bureaucracy and the gradual disintegration of the Polish Communist Party. Coercion essential to reimpose increasingly truculent workforce.

At the same time, the collapse of the Polish economy necessitated the implementation of far-reaching measures to cut down on personal consumption and to rationalise industry. Prices were increased to reduce the massive state subsidies to enterprises and, in the Western journalist, out of the food market. At the same time, the state pressed individual enterprises to cut down on 'lame ducks' and to become 'self-financing'. These measures have done little to reform Polish industry and some of the most important sectors - machine tools, textiles and shipbuilding - have been unable to provide goods for export. Industrial production is around six per cent below 1981 levels.

To repay its massive foreign debts, the bureaucracy is almost entirely dependent on coal exports. Coal production is up 1o per cent on 19ol and exports are only a fraction below the 1981 level. The recovery in coal output is not due to economic reform, but is a result of the harsh working conditions under martial law. Saturday working and round-the-clock shifts have been reintroduced, and even workers who try to leave their jobs face prison sentences.

The wage increases won through Solidarity have been maintained. Miners get an above-average meat ration which they can claim in special shops - special, that is, in that they occasionally stock meat.

But miners fail to enjoy these many "privileges' for long. Safety precautions have been cast to the wind in the headlong pursuit of official According to were 65 deaths in the mines during the first quarter of 1982. It is an indication of how bad things Polish industry that 20 000 new workers have been recruited to the mines in the past year. Bearing the brunt The example of coal mining shows that "success is directly proportional to the degree of coercion of the working class. Martial law has, in reality, become a framework for pushing down the living standards of the Polish working class. Living standards have fallen sharply.

In February there were massive increases in prices - the cost of some items rose as much as five times. Official statistics show that average living costs increased 104 percent during the first six months of 1982. In the same period, incomes officially rose 45 per cent - implying an increase in the real cost of living of 41 per cent. Sales of goods in the first nine months of the year were down 19 per cent. In fact, the real cost of living is much higher, as many Poles are forced compensate for food shortages by making purchases at highly inflated prices on the black market. Martial law also works to regulate life in other respects. Having a job means Short-term rations In December, exactly a year after the imposition of martial law, General Jaruzelski informed the people of Poland that martial law would not be lifted, but only suspended. That was Jaruzelski's way of saying that there could be no return to the days of Solidarity and independent trade unions. Jaruzelski and the Polish bureaucracy are prepared to remove some of the trappings of military rule and to release some of the detainees - but they cannot afford to relax the reign of coercion.

Despite 12 months of military rule, Poland is no nearer to social stability than it was in December 1981.

the clock. introduced through growing for coupons. was also discipline on an of one words 'to squeeze workers warnings vigilant repression will continue.

in 1982 Solidarity, eaucracy Party every and in indicate established production targets. figures, there are in the rest of

POLAND

being watched and bullied around the Being without a job and the official jobless figure has climbed from zero to 200 000 in a year - means being deprived, not only of income, but also of access to goods. The authorities have new rationing system which many scarce goods are distributed in the factories in exchange Inside the factories, a reign of terror continues. In October, the workers who went on strike at the Lenin shipyard in Gdansk faced a grim list of penal sanctions: 'Up to five years jail for not obeying orders, from six months to five years jail for neglecting duties; for use of force against supervisors, from six months to five years jail; for organising or leading strikes, up to five yeais jail; for collecting and propagating information without written permission, up to five years jail."

The removal of direct military control over factories promised for 1983 will not mean the end of forced labour. Jaruzelski's about the need to remain indicate that the of climate Martial law succeeded in destroying but it has failed to bring political stability. Support for the burcontinues to decline. It is estimated that 20 000 members leave the month. Periodic upsurges such as the strikes in Gdansk shipyards Nowa Huta in October 1982 that the will to resist in the working class has not been broken.

Future prospects In a pamphlet Poland's black December, published by the RCP in January 1982, Mind your backs: the military remain wary of the masses we argued that Solidarity would not be able to reconstitute itself. The reform movement had been unable to defend Polish workers and had obstacle to the realisation of proletarian The subsequent demise of Solipower. arity has not been entirely due to repression disenchantment with the leadership was an important While the Polish bureaucracy factor. pressed on with its campaign of repression, the Church and the Solidarity leadership pleaded for compromise and moderation Many of the demonstrations against martial law were organised outside of the control of Solidarity. The May Day protests were organised by a network of militants representing 60 factories; similar independent groupings led strikes during the latter summer. The formal decision to dissolve Solidarity in October 1982 was a telling the working class who rules.

bureaucracy had nothing to fear from Solidarity as such. Solidarity was nevertheless essential for maintaining the climate of fear. Therelease of a compliant Walesa was designed to tell the working class that a new period of normalisation had begun Normalisation the means the bureaucracy keeping a firm grasp over the activities of the working class Any form of protest and political organisation will be dealt with by full force of the state apparatus. In return for acquiescence to Jaruzelski has promised a more approach to the economy. In this way, the bureaucracy hopes that the desperate struggle for survival will force workers self-improvement. become an non-existent. contributory many of the part of the system going Polish way of The long the But finishing off shows that the 'new' Poland the fellow bureaucratic rule • liberal workers of power, International away from politics and towards economic However, the Polish working class is unlikely to be convinced of the virtues of hard work in today's Poland by promises of future rewards. At present, the prospects of an economic upturn appear Moreover, economic reforms designed to rationalise industry only make life worse for most workers.

These measures inevitably lead to price rises and unemployment. In 1983 the bureaucracy will have to do better if it is to survive another year Martial law has done little more than suppress the organisations of the working class. It has not brought about economic created a social basis for the rule of the bureaucracy.

The Polish bureaucracy needs more than a repressed working class to keep the workers must also do better if they are to regain the initiative. For too KOR/Solidarity leaders of and the Church have influenced workers to take the path of compromise.

Yet the experience of the last two years shows that there is no room for reforms in Poland. The imposition of martial law bureaucracy has very little to give away. Time is running out.

The best friend that the Polish bureaucracy has is the fear of poverty, hunger and the winter cold. Jaruzelski and his bureaucrats hope that Polish workers will be too absorbed in making ends meet to worry about politics This strategy will only be defeated if Polish reject their old leaders and prepare themselves for a full seizure Helen Swift the next step, January 1983 21

International

EUROPE

MORE THAN A YEAR has elapsed since social democratic parties swept to power in France (May 1981) and Greece (October 1981). Now Mitterand and Papandreou have been joined by Felipe Gonzales, after his recent Spain. Far from ushering in social reforms, Mitterand and Papandreou have moved quickly to shift the burden of the deepening crisis onto the working class. During the past year the economies have deteriorated very rapidly.

The turn from reform rhetoric to harsh austerity measures inevitably took place The consequences of social abruptly. democratic 'alternative' policies of national revival have become apparent within a very short space of time.

Socialism made to measure In Spain, Italy, France and Greece the recession started later than in the rest of Western Europe. The 'sixties and 'seventies were a period of rapid industrialisation and the development of modern public services. Working class organisations grew rapidly and at the same time, a new layer of middle class technocrats and intellectuals emerged. social layer - a novelty in the backward and repressive societies of the Mediterranean - became a key factor in the growth of new social democratic parties.

Until the late 'sixties, social democracy never managed to gain much of a foothold in Southern Europe. The backwardness of capitalist development meant that the ruling classes could not afford to institutions of class establish Greece, oration. dictatorships or authoritarian Portugal, elites were the customary agencies of bourgeois rule. Working class other hand, for most of the dominated by communist penod was parties. Despite its political bankruptcy, Stalinism appealed to the most militant and class conscious workers, most of them steeled by the experience of the and severe repression conditions illegality. Even in more advanced France, democratic

PSF

SOMa a small petit-bourgeois party with scarcely any roots in the working class.

until the early seventies, it had no mass base and a very fragile organisation.

The last decade has transformed the political complexion of Southern Europe.

The Greek, Portuguese and Spanish dictatorships fell, one after another, in 1973 1974 and 1975, as a result of increasingly uncontrollable working class militancy. In of the Portugal the break-up regime took the form of a revolutionary upheaval which, for a time, threatened to 22 the next step, January 1983 Stop-gap reformism Mitterand, Papandreou, Gonzales have succeeded - in the short term in reconciling workers to the austerities demanded by the capitalist recession. But the reliance of the social democratic parties of France, Greece, Spain and indeed Italy on the petit-bourgeois sections of society means that their capacity to contain the working class in the long term is severely limited. Sabena Norton reports.

destroy bourgeois rule altogether.

Greece and Spain, the bourgeoisie, realising that it had only one choice risk chaos or make concessions - preempted a similar course of events, quickly embarking on a strategy liberalisation to contain working class In Italy and France events did not take such a dramatic course. The wellestablished WorKHg plosion of working class anger in the went beyond the framework of trade unionism and appeals for social reform that the unions and with them, the old greater political power and to demand a This was the context in which the new which now occupies positions of governfirst made its appearance. Unlike the reformist parties of Northern Europe, which were built over a whole century, the PSOE, PASOK, PSI and PSF lacked a traditional working class base; they had to begin from scratch. Felipe Gonzales, ex-student at the Catholic University of Louvain in Belgium, the PSOE in 1974. When he took over, the party was a rump, but, in the wake of the working class upheaval following the death of Franco in 1975, he was able to Andreas Papandreou, returning from the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement, one year after the fall of the dictator Papadoguidance from experienced social demoand SPD. The PSI and PSF were negligible in the early 'seventies - but over a decade they have become major political forces. The remarkable of four parties has been rise from virtually nowhere to becoming remained parties of government. do it? Indeed, Copy-cat social democracy The emergence PSOE and PSI reflects the rise of a technocratic middle class whose over working class has The proportion to the decline of the Stalinist Throughout the 'seventies, the parties. Salazar European communist steadily to the right until their programme appeared to be virtuaily Both parties received wealthy West German feature of all their meteoric considerable faces How did they much more sense from of the PSF, PASOK government that influence of Thatcher in Britain. gro wil parties moved in distinguishable from reformist or liberal parties. The result of this shift was that these parties communist parties, particularly in France and Spain, could not compensate for the erosion of their working class base by dramatic manifestation Communist Party, the traditional party of the working class, managed to win only five per cent of the vote in the October The disintegration of Stalinist parties was one factor in the rise of new social willingness of the ruling class to allow mentin has on generally recognised that social democratic leaders conduct the bourgeois state during the present phase of the recession. Mitterand is the prototype of a bourgeois politician who is able to win workers to accept the objectives of ed by the Mitterand administration means.

that for the first time since the Second purchasing power of the French work- It was with the Mitterand model in mind that the French daily Le Monde 'He has to modernise an archaic country. He has to introduce morality and dynamism into a almost 40 years of dictatorship. He has to put workers to work, employers to the negotiating table and keep the military in check." (30 Octhas In other words, Gonzales must devote his to the rationalisation of the The bourgeoisie of Southern Europe class. has been prepared to experiment with within the new social democracy because it from antagonism social workers. A right-wing government would removed have provoked even more unrest and created a climate of instability. It makes the capitalist point of view to establish a radical policies can pursut which are essentially the same as those sooner The new social democratic governments have only a limited role to play. Their job is to neutralise the working class so that the major changes of the future can go ists ahead with the minimum of proletarian the vacuum. We are in a transitory phase during which the role of social democracy is to ensure that the labour movement becomes disarmed and too demoralised to fight the coming capitalist offensive.

A class without a party The events of the past year reveal a development: the European proletariat has become a class without a party. The traditional reformist parties of the working class have gone into decline.

Even in Italy, where the Stalinists retain a dominant influence over the proletariat, the Communist Party is experiencing a major crisis of confidence and direction.

Spain and Greece the middle class has simply taken control over the are accustomed to a which is essentially in the grip of the middle classes. But the unions still maintain a degree of control over its direction. The Labour Party is no less reactionary than its continental counterparts, but at least it has managed to maintain its role as the party of the labour Europe, where In Southern the trade unions are much weaker, the social democratic parties are much more the direct property of the capitalist class.

The changing class structure in Europe has given rise to these all-class parties.

The rise of the middle class technocracy and public sector employees has coincided traditional the OI Unemployment has hit hard at traditional industry, throwing millions of manual workers onto the dole queues. The erosion of distinct working class political parties is, to an extent, a reflection of the changing structure of In the short run, new social democracy for wearing scope down the resistance of the proletariat.

The Mitterand Government has proved extremely efficient at isolating militants and neutralising the mass of the working It has exploited the divisions the labour movement to full effect. However, the PSF, like other democratic is too far parties, working class to the Irom mediate in the struggles of the future.

The present period, characterised by a severe decline of working class politics, is a transitional one. The crisis of the working class leadership is so acute that later political forces or new will emerge to fill the vacuum. We can be certain that we are entering a new phase of working class politics.

What remains unanswered is whether it will be reformwill fill or revolutionaries who

On racism Anne Dummet and Ian Martin, British nationalality: the AGIN guide to the new law, Russell Press, pp71, pbk £1.95. Robert Miles, Racism and migrant labour Routledge & Kegan Paul, pp202, pbk £4.95.

Martin Kettle and Lucy Hodges, Uprising: the police, the people and the riots in Britain's cities, Pan, pp272, pbk £2.25.

Ernest Cashmore, Barry Troyna, eds, Black youth in crisis, George Allen & Unwin, Pp176, pbk £4.95. Ian Taylor, Law and order: arguments for socialism, Macmillan, pp234, pbk £4.95.

John Brown, Policing by multiracial consent: the Handsworth experience, Bedford Square Press, pp174, pbk £5.95. THE ACTION GROUP on Immigration and Nationality (AGIN) does not live up to its name. Like its sister organisations - the Campaign Against Racist Laws (CARL) and the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants (JCWI) - AGIN takes very little action. Instead, these cliques of radical lawyers, concerned liberals and church leaders, have spent their - and their grants- writing prolific time tracts, leaflets, pamphlets and books explaining the minutiae of the new nationality law.

As appendages of the Labour Party, AGIN, CARL and the JCWI all share a common political outlook. None of them ever question the basic assumption underlying the Nationality Act: the right of the state to regulate the movements of the working class. They hold out the illusion that this regulation can be

AGIN

carried out in a less brutal lasmon.

campaigns against tighter immigration restrictions by appealing to the better feelings of the ruling class. What is needed, we are told, is a Nationality Act reformed along humanitarian lines. Moralism can never challenge the ruling class: calling for 'non-racist' immigration controls merely legitimises the existing laws.

The racist character of immigration controls does not stem from the irrational decisions of politicians, civil servants and lawyers, as AGIN would have it, but from the needs of capitalism in crisis. Robert Miles' ambition in life, it would appear, is to pen the most turgid and obscurantist book on racism the world has ever seen.

As a product of the Research Unit on Ethnic he is well qualified to Relations at Aston, achieve this feat. In this latest work, Miles has surpassed even his past efforts in this direction.

200 pages of academic meandering, After Miles contends that race' and race relations' "ideological constructs' of no analytical are value. Despite the author's painstaking attempts the message of this to outwit his readers, book comes across loud and clear. Miles is not interested in fighting racism, or in uniting the working class. Perpetuating a tradition of arid academic debate, this book serves only to mystify, not clarify, the position of black workers in capitalist society. Uprising is the result of inquiries into the riots conducted by two journalists, turned concerned social investigators. Kettle and Hodges provide a useful account of the events of summer 1981 and subsequent developments, but their conclusions are pessimistic.

The state's response to the riots has been inadequate; if they are not to recur, something more must be done. the At the time Uprising was written, over the Tories still retained their monopoly law and order debate. Things have changed, however, over the past six months. Both lan and Troyna's Taylor's book and Cashmore collection answer the prayers of Kettle and Hodges. Black youth in crisis is a collection of essays activists, sociologists and by Labour Partv academics. It seeks to present an overall view of "black culture. Early on, we are told that we must not let 'naivete cloud our conception of the black youth, because young blacks actively and deliberately contributed to their own positions; indeed there was a penchant for violence within the West Indian culture.

This book blames black people for the problems they face, for the riots and for violent crime. It is a sordid testimony to the failure of the Labour Party to side with the oppressed against their enemies. Law and order is a concerted attempt to break Tory hegemony over the law and order issue. laviors thesis is tatue increasing reviews dislocation of capitalist society through crime and violence under Thatcherism has created 'a political space for socialist advance": 'The left must enter this space. struggling to make popular demands (for example, for policing), and articulating popular fears anxieties. A public and popular socialist criminology has to be constructed.'

In practice, this means that the Labour Party must become a staunch advocate of policing, soft, 'community" kind, preferably of the but if necessary of the hard, riot-response type.

With its foreword by Lord Scarman, Policing by multiracial consent brings together John Brown's 1977 report, Shades of grey, and a 1981 update, Handsworth revisited. Shades of grey initiated a rethink of policing strategy to cope with crisis conditions. Brown targeted a couple of hundred "hard-core Dreadlocks"' as the source of crime in Handsworth, and in order to wipe them out with minimum fuss, put forward a strategy of intensified community liaison. He drew attention to divisions within the black community itself, which the police could exploit in order to isolate black youth and political activists.

Brown's new report, written shortly after the 1981 Handsworth riots, assesses the success of his prescription. The value of the book lies in its unambiguous justification for community policing in terms of law and order and the maintenance of social control: "soft" versus "hard" policing Issues of are thus wholly irrelevant.. the only valid issue here is that of effective versus ineffective policing. It was a bad year for anti-racist books.

On women Marielouise Janssen-Jurreit, Sexism: the male monopoly on history and thought, Pluto Press, 1982, pp376, pbk £4.95. Jenny Beale, Getting it together: Women as trade unionists, Pluto Press, 1982, pp112, pbk £2.50. Michele Barrett and Mary Mcintosh, The antisocial family, Verso, 1982, pp 164, pbk £3.95.

Jackie West, ed, Women, work and the labour market, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1982, pp 187. 1982 WAS THE year the labour bureaucracy swallowed up the women's movement. The GLC got a women's committee, the Labour Party got Harriet Harman into Parliament and

CND

discovered Greenham Common. radical feminists of the 'seventies, out to seize power from male oppressors, disappeared down the deep throat of Labourism.

Marielouise Janssen-Jurreit's book is a blast from the past. A product of mid 'seventies radical feminism, the book attempts to sever the connections between women's oppression and capitalism. Apparently the only thing Engels was right about was the identification of the mother right which was then seized by men across the world. With intriguing chapters on 'the genitals of speech' and 'the vaginal death threat, this book is a must for anyone who missed out on the era of revolutionary feminism. Getting it together comes from the reformist end of the feminist spectrum. It is part of Pluto's 'Arguments for socialism' series which attempts to present all the old prejudices of social democracy in a style and language accessible to the limited intellects of the British petit bourgeoisie. Jenny Beale touches on some of the barriers to women's advancement in unions - but endorses the traditional bureaucrats view that what needs changing are 'attitudes, not trade union politics. She concludes with a round of applause for the Women's TUC - the TUC Charter for Equality for Women. The problem for Beale is not one of leadership which doesn't fight for working class interests, but of a bureaucracy with no women in it. Women, work and the labour market is a collection of articles looking at the problems of women in the workplace. Despite its failure to draw political conclusions, the book is very informative and it will remain an important reference source. The anti-social family, from the Stalinist wing of the women's movement, is neither nor ornament. It assumes the familiar feminist prejudice that the family serves an essentially ideological function but it is not an necessity capitalist society. for economic Barrett and Mcintosh relapse into a narrow anti-family posture in their attempts to create a vision of a non-oppressive society. The point is that once the economic function of the family is destroyed, human relationships can be formed that are not based on the oppression of women. All these books have one thing in common - empiricism. None of the authors look for what is at the root of women's oppression they look at the symptoms and therefore fail to find a cure. On the Falklands Anthony Barnett, Iron Britannia: why Parlia ment waged its Falklands war, Allison & Busby, London, pp160, pbk £2.95.

Tam Dalyell MP, One man's Falklands, Cecil Woolf, London, pp 144, pbk £1.95.

Falklands/Malvinas Latin America Bureau, America Bureau Ltd, whose crisis?, Latin London, pp 203, pbk £1.95.

Hugh Tinker, A message from the Falklands, Junction Books, London, Pp203, pbk £3.50.

THE FALKLANDS FACTOR dominated British politics in 1982. Most commentators have become preoccupied with discovering causal connections between the spirit of the task force and the popularity of the Tory regime. In reality, as we have noted in the next revealed step, the Falklands factor simply forces that have been at work in British society since the late 'seventies. The invasion of the Malvinas consolidated the hold of the ruling but this was more the class over society result of a protracted ideological offensive the British bourgeoisie than the waged br outcome of one brief military engagement.

Critical accounts of the British performance in the South Atlantic are in vogue. In keeping with left-wing and liberal traditions, all four books underestimate the forces behind the war and reduce the Falklands Factor to the manipulations of Tory politicians. Anthony Barnett's Iron Britannia is by far the worst. As a member of the editorial board of New Left Review, Barnett has a responsibility to keep up its high standards of pomposity, equivocation and diffuseness. His speciality lies in turning a straightforward imperialist war into suitable for an erudite a complex problem investigator such as himself.

Tam Dalyell opposed the invasion of the Malvinas from the start. His book characterises the outlook of the Labour left MPs who could see no further than the end of their own noses. For them, the whole event was Thatch.

er's war. Like Barnett, Dalyell cannot face the simple truth that Britain, as an imperialist power, had no choice but to teach Argentina a lesson. Hugh Tinker's book is written around the letters and poems of his son, a naval officer, who died in the conflict. In contrast to other naval officers, David Tinker opposed the wat and was critical of the hypocrisy of the govern ment. Many of the letters are moving. But David Tinker died without realising that the war was not some Tory mischief and that the force that employed him was a murderous imperialist war machine. The Latin America Bureau's special brief on the war is the most informative of the books It provides useful material reviewed here. between Argentina and on the relationship Britain. However, the analysis of Britain's role in the war is very weak and remains tied to the convention of Tory demonology. It is a pity that the authors waste the potential of useful information they have brought the together. It is even a greater pity that they can't bring themselves to adopt a clear antiimperialist outlook and outline the argument for fighting for Britain's defeat in the South Atlantic. On the Soviet Union Alexander Shlyapnikov, On the eve of 1917, Busby, London, 1982, Pp237,

ALL SOR

pbk £4.95 Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution, Press, 1982, pp181, hbk Oxford University £9.95. SHLYAPNIKOV'S MEMOIRS first appeared in 1923. The reminiscences of this great class fighter retain their vitality to this day. His account of the building of the revolutionary useful for it apmovement is particularly proaches the subject from the point of view of the party activist, who is right in the thick of the struggle. Sheila Fitzpatrick has written some useful accounts of the development of a bureaucracy over the working class in the Soviet Union.

This venture into historical analysis, ever, is a failure. Fitzpatrick confuses different moments in the development of the Soviet Union and like all bourgeois historians, sees the rise of Stalinism as the inevitable outcome of the Russian Revolution. the next step, January 1983 23

REMEMBER

BLOODY SUNDAY

THE NATIONALIST people in Derry and throughout the Six been angry about discrimination repression; in the winter of 1971-72 we had a new and bitter grievance - internment. In August 1971 the Stormont regime, which then administered British rule in the Six Counties, exercised its powers to intern in prison camps, without charge or trial, anybody it suspected of active opposition to the state. Stormont Prime Minister Brian Internment They television, car and a standstill. Counties. of January. the around itary coercion. ratic Unionist against allies, do Faulkner had British state. and of On 26 January Faulkner held talks with the officer commanding the forces, General Tuzo. On 27 January he flew to London for private discussions with Tory Prime Minister Edward Heath.

On 28 January policy meeting iately after a session of the 'inner Cabinet'. Something out of the ordinary was in the offing. By 28 January, Faulkner had a public commitment from the RUC and the Army that they some, as yet unspecified, action against illegal marchers'. called off the DUP's planned counterdemonstration after receiving assurances that civil rights march the stopped "by force if necessary.

These deliberations were from the throng that set off in high spirits from Creggan on the afternoon of Sunday 30 January, heading for the city centre.

however, had his instructions One na Colonel Derek Wilford, who commanded the First Battalion of the Regiment. He was later to receive the OBE for his work that day.

The army allowed the march to leave the Catholic Creggan estate but prevented Counties had long and Faulkner also resistance. of by barbed-wire The venices. stirring up army Democpermitted to firm lawlessness. something the West- British rule occupying For a high-level defence was convened immedwould take On 29 January Paisley Agenda would be 10.00am-1.00pm 1.00pm-2.00pm concealed 2.00pm-4.30pm 4.45pm-6.00pm Parachute few Irish people will ever forget.

it from marching to the Guildhall Square barriers and armoured organisers diverted the demonstration to a mass meeting at Free Derry Corner, some 500 yards from the army. position at William Street. While Bernadette Devlin and Fenner Brockway addressed the massive gathering, a small section of the marchers stayed at the barriers protesting at not being Youths threw march on. Leeds: Demonstration Remember Bloody Sunday! Demonstration in Leeds Sunday 30 January Organised by the Bloody Sunday Commemoration Committee Sheffield, Birmingham, Manchester and Coventry, phone 01-274 3951 Conference Irish Freedom Movement Conference Eleven years after Bloody Sunday: new tasks for Irish solidarity Saturday 29 January 10.00am-6.00pm Leeds Trades Club, Savile Mount, Leeds 6 Lunch Workshops: Report back from the Six Counties British trade unions and Ireland Evening: Social with food and live music Accommodation, creche available Phone 01-274 3951 or write to IFM, BM RCP, London WCIN 3XX for details the next step On Sunday 30 January 1972, 30000 people took to the streets of Derry to protest at the denial of civil rights under British military occupation. Our Derry correspondent Finn O'Foyle remembers a day stones in reply to dye-spraying and CS gas. and water-cannon were brougnt up te disperse the small crowd. standards, the protest was slight, and the chances of injury to the troops negligible.

Slaughter By 4.15pm, people from this crowd, fleeing from intense gas and baton attacks, were either walking or running down Rossville Street, making their way details of coaches leaving from London, Bristol, Canterbury, Plenary: new tasks for Irish solidarity The Prevention of Terrorism Act - how to fight it Racism and Ireland: what are the real connections?

An action programme for anti-imperialists to the companies ot the swept along this armoured deployed into unarmed crowd. horrifying story.

• KEVIN

gunfire bullet left shoulder.

DOHERTY.

• AS blank range. another seriously wounded. lies. Derry By small identified them; no charges but all level set up a present on himself terror, make sure his Widgery's British liberals happened community. are still trying as ever. mass meeting. Suddenly, three Parachute Regiment main thoroughfare in cars. Troops were hastily firing positions. Without warning, they began firing on the The hundreds of eye witnesses told a McELHINNEY was on his hands and knees crawling away from the when a soldier shot him. The his left buttock entered and travelled through his body to exit at the • BERNARD MacGUIGAN was shot in the back of the head as he was crawling on his stomach towards the dying PAT everyone fled for their lives, GERALD McKINNEY stood still, holding his hands above his head. A soldier came up and shot him in the chest at point- Within minutes, 13 people were dead; died later. Seventeen were Tangle of lies The army version of events, in official statements in the House of Commons by the Minister of Defence, was a tangle of They claimed they opened fire after coming under attack from nail bombers and a 'fusillade of fire of 50-80 shots from the area of Rossville and Glenfada flats'.

No independent witness from among the scores of journalists and other observers present - many of whom were hostile to the republican cause - believed that IRA volunteers were active that day. None accepted the official contention.

The British Army could not produce either bullets or bomb fragments The British Army claimed that in all cases, soldiers fired aimed shots at men gunmen and bombers' as Forensic tests showed that those killed could have had no contact whatever with any weapons; no weapons were found on i were brought against those wounded. The Army also claimed that some of those shot were on their wanted list; this was later disproved. They said they shot three snipers in the flats, the casualties were at ground After Bloody Sunday, the Government tribunal of inquiry, under former British army officer Lord Widgery.

Simon Winchester was a Guardian journal- Bloody Sunday who Paras narrowly escaped the bullets. He writes in his book, On holy that Widgery's conclusions were at astonishing variance with own report; and the manner of "leaking" the document itself was an appalling travesty of honesty, for which both the British press and the British Government should feel ashamed'. Widgery's whitewash was gratefully accepted; the press helped to minor criticisms of the paratroopers were ignored.

report astonished especially those who saw for themselves the reality of what on Bloody Sunday. But it caused little surprise in Derry. The massacre was consistent with the role of the British army since 1969 - to terrorise and break the resistance of the nationalist Thirteen years later, they - and as recent events show, they are as far away from success