North London IFM: What We Saw of the Irish War

THE IRISH WAR

report of the Irish Freedom Movement delegation

NORTH LONDON IRISH FREEDOM MOVEMENT

what we saw of

THEY MAY KILL

THE

• REVOLUTIONARY

BUT NEVER

to Derry and Belfast - Easter 1982

IRISH FREEDOM

MOVEMENT

EASTER 1982

EDITORIAL

Britain's other war. At Easter one hundred young people visited the Six Counties on the Irish Freedom Movement's 1982 Youth Delegction. The delegation split into twoy one half going to Belfast, the other to Derry.

tre not onlit pete and the rose super o t liberation struggle, At a time when the eyes of the world are directed towards Britain's actions in another war in the South Atlantic, we should not forget the the present phase of which has been going on in Ireland since the end of the 'sixties. When Thatcher of Foot talk about the inviolability of the principle of self-determination, we should remember the contempt with which they treat this issue in Ireland. It is easy to see why the majority of Irish people have no sympathy for Britain's war against Argentina.

The Irish Freedom Movement has put together a slide-show of the Easter delegation. If you would like to sec it or hear a report-back from the delegation, write to this address: North London Irish Freedom fovement Box IFM 234 Camden High Street London Ni June 1982 pep IFM, Box IFM, 234 Camdon High St, Nw1

Belfast - a city, divided by British imperialism For the first time visitor, the Six Counties presents many contradictions.

The very idea that this little corner of Ireland is quite naturally a part of Britain is brought immediately into question, because of the extraordinary measures that are employed to make it 'British', The Easter Youth Delegation organised by the IFI provided an opportunity for young people to see some of the realities of the North of Ireland.

The journey north from London and Manchester was by coach. We then made a short crossing from Stranraer to Larne by ferry. The security checks on their side of the crossing indicated that we were entering a special part of the UK. As our driver commented, it was remarkably similar to a border check. Foreign nationals and black people had to produce their passports. Cthers were solected at random to produce identification, Everyone had to fill in embarkation cards yet we were merely crossing a stretch of water that separates one part of Britain from another. The RUC decided to give us a special welcome. One by one we filed through an inspection booth so that our baggage could be seached, and male delegates were frisked by a security guard. In addition to this, the occupants of an unmarked car parked opposite the coaches seemed particularly interested in our movements. In all, we were delayed by several hours. After going through such lengthy formalities it was rather strange to be back on 'British' roads, with their customary signs and road markings. The RUC are unlike regular British police, with their stylized green uniforms, and no-nonsense manner.

Also, they aarry guns. We arrived in Belfast at lunchtimo Saturday. The centre of the city was closed to traffic, and as we approached a security gate an RUC officer As we approached West Belfast signalled us to stop. Heboarded the coach and askod where we were going.

After some words where exchanged with the driver he gave instructions how to reach the Falls Road. As we apprcached West Belfast the scenery changed dramatically. We seemed to pass through a sort of no-mans land - derelict buildings and vacant lots. I noticed massive steel and concrete security barriers that were positioned so that they could be quickly moved into place. We were now in the predominantly Catholic part of Belfast - a very diffarent picture from the comfortable and well serviced residential areas that wo passed as we entered the city from the East. Although I had some previous knowledge of the way Catholics have been discriminated against, it is difficult to conceive of the absolute soparation that exists between the two conmunities, without accually seeing it. The housing estatos are of a much lower quality, in both appearance and construction, Municipal services such as road maintenance and upkeep of public spaces seem not to extend to the Catholic areas.

Neither do those phenomena appear to ba the result oî the war, but father a Iong-term legacy of discrimination and 'ghettoisation'.

Two things stood out very clearly from this runadown environment. One was British soldiers on patrol. They stalk the footpaths, stopping every few hundred yards to see the vicinity through tho viow-finder of their rifles: The other was the signs of resistance of the people. Anti-British, pIO-IRA slogans cover nearly every wall. Also elaborate murals in rich colours depict various phases of the war, what the nationalist population have had io endure - torture, interrogation, internment. The newest murais, some still beino worked on by teams of children and youths, were about the hunger strikers, with the sinister Long Kesh and Armagh prisons in the background. We were taken to a community centre in Andersonstown to drop off our luggage. The rest of the day was spent looking around West Belfast. It didn't tako long bofore the signs of the war became much more apparent.

Army forts are strategically locatod near housing estates, so that they can be easily patrolled and observed. At regular intervals, large armoured saracens - change to start their patrols. They are rather squat but very wide; soldiers are able to see out through a narrow horizontal slit, which

.. = can be used to fire from. Patrols aro also conducted by the RUC, but only in safer areas. They use armour plated landrovers to cope with the unfriondly response their presence evokes. They are frequently stoned by the nationalist It was very obvious that the whole community resented and opposed British rule. The war conducted by the IRA against the British occupying forces is one aspect of that opposition. The measures which the British forces use to • pacify the Catholic population show that they are at war against all the nationalist people, not just-its orgánised. armed resistance. Fai example, every public building - including Post Offices and libraries ' because of the foct that it is a symbol of British administration, tias to be protected by metal spikes and barbed wire. The murals are systematically defaced by soldiers on night patrols.

What of that section of the population that does want to keep the Six Counties under British rule? Conversations we had with local youths, in Andersonstown, showed that this rift between Catholics and Protestants, has nothing to do with religion. The political consciousness of young people, some as young as 10. and 11, yoars old was: amazing. After we had explained to them why we had come and why we support their mination we were able to discuss complex: questions such as tho reasons for sectarianism. A boy of 11 years put it veiy simplys "Welre not fighting the Frotestants because of their religion, we'ro fighting then because they're Loyalists - they side with the British', We asked why this was ' Because they will always got a job before a Catholic gets a job, and tho same with housing. When the Brits leave, the Protestants will lose all their prival ages, and only then will wo be able to live together.'

Other children told of their experiences with the British soldiers of brutal house raids, involving intimidation and destruction of property.

Co nting on the uprisings in Britain last year, they were wholeheartedly behind them, but suggested that they should be more organised next time!

There was no doubt in theit minds that they were fighting against the sane enemy as the black youth in Britain - the British State.

We were not cll aware of the fact that Andersonstown was the home. of Kieran Doherty, one of the ten hunger strikers who died in Long Kesh, So it was an unexpected surpriso when Mr and Mrs Doherty came to give us personal welcome, They invited us to spond the evening in the local social club of which Mr. Dohorty is manager. We were Lucky enough to hear one of the bost Republican bands I have avci heard. They sang songs dating back to the 1916 rising, and some very rocont ones, such as "Bobby Sands from Belfast". The memory of the hunger strikers is very fresh in the minds and hearts of the nationalist people. One of the firsi things we saw as we approached Andersonstown was a huge notice saying: 'Andersonstown supports the hunger strikers!' The song, by the Irish Brigade tells of what they stood for: An Irish soldier to the last A criminal he would not be classed And so began the long death fast Of Bobby Sands from Belfast Proud Britannia hide your face Throughout the world you are disgraced How many more must take the place Of Bobby Sands from Belfast.

Sunday, the day of the Easter Commomoration March, was the next exciting part of the visit. The ovent commemorates the Easter rising of 1916, led by James Connolly. This year's march was imbued with the spirit of defiance of the hunger strikers. The IFf dolegation walked all the way down the Falls Road to Beechmount Street where everyone uas assembling to join the procession. The number of people on the streets, let alone those who actually marched, was

astounding. It must havo been tens of thousands. The march is organised by Provisional Sinn Fein and led by an IRA dotachment. Outsiders usually look at the IRA as if it was an organisation distinct from the Catholic population.

Infact, the IRA is simply the most organised and forceful part of the widespread opposition of the whole community to soctarian discrimination and British rule. The onthusiasm of thousands of onlookers showed that no artificial line can be drawn between the people and the armod struggle.

The march consisted of many contingents - various youth clubs and Republican organisations, as well as numerous flute bands. One contingent was led by a man wearing nothing but a blanket, The procession marched back u; the Falls Road to the cemetery. Between the most recent graves of the hunger strikers and a monument to IRA volunteers killed in action, an impressive corcmony took place. The IRA guard of honour fired soviral shots into the air on command.

Later in the afternoon, the d legation had a more formal meeting with PSF supresontatives and Sinn Foin Youth. hambers of the delegation told of their experiencos building sympathy and support for the Irish strugglo on the British mainland. We left Belfast for home with many strong impressions of the war in Ireland, mone perhaps stronger than that of people prepared to fight until they achieve their just aims.

.... Dery - WarnED an trash town On the road to Dorry we noticed slogans painted in every concoivable place - IRA OK! and SMASH H BLOCK. The coach was stopped twice: once when we passed an RUC barracks at Toome and again at an army checkpoint half an hour from Derry. The second timo the soldiers subjected us all to a bout oî questions while the officers handed out printed cards bearing the message 'Help save livos and end terrorism' with 'confidential' phone numbers on the real. The same mossage appears on the huge billboards throughout Derry and at the top of Loyalist newspapors.

We arrived in Derty from the predominantly Protestant East side of the River Foyle. In this section many of the pavements are daubed red, white and blue. Descending towards the Craigavon Bridge we saw that most commercial properties are boardodup. lo then crossod the river to enter the nationalist Bogside. This immediately strikes you as shabbier than the Loyalist areas. On the way we passed free Derry Corner - a white wall with the woeds 'You are now entoring free Derry' painted in black. This is a monument to nationalist resistance to Britain dating from the battle of Bogside in 1969, We were first shown around the nationalist ghatto by local youths.

Walking around there is a sense of freedom and safety: local people say they only have anything to fear when tho security forces appear on the scene. The first landmark we saw was the place where two undercover Brits were ambushed as they drove down Creggan Road in a mini-van, Our hosts proudly pointed to the bullet holos. Only a few yards furthor on our guides showed us the spot where two of their friends were crushed by a British landrover in 1981. We then walked down William Street - lined with green, white and orange flags - to the Rossville flats. There we were asked to complete a mural which had been outlined by local paonle with the slogan 'They may kill the revolutionary, but never the revolution'.

Later that evening ve visited a ropublican pub. I talked sisters who had a brother in jail. Most prople have a friend or relativo in either Long Kesh or Armagh - many have moro than one, It was clear why nationalist people chose to fight - most have no choice, bocause they are the diract victims of British opprassion.

Tho highlight of our stay was the Easter Rising Commemoration: On the fringer of the nationalist ghettoos thare was a strong army presence intimidating and searching the crowd as it gathered. We assembled in files of three - a meacuro nocossary to prevent infiltration by plain clothes policemen and soldicrs, Suddenly the colour party appeared, marching down ....

the hill. There is a great excitod rush through the croud as neople surge see it. The fact that volunteers can march publicly showed us just how much support they have in the broad Catholic community and how unsuccessful British attemots to portray them as criminals have been.

Our last avening was spent at Republican club. Outside one boy showed us a deep on his skin where ho was hit by a plastic bullet. His friends doscribe how the soldiers often tamper with them . putting batteries or explosives inside. One told of a boy whose hands wore blown off when he picked up a bullet which had been doctored. Nobody who is injured by a plastic bullet will risk going to hospital, as they will inevitably be arrested by the RUC. They might then be dumped in a Loyalist arca or held in an RUC barracks and forced to sign a confession.

The youth of Derry have endless stories of the brutality of the army and They shoot plastic bullots at the windows of prisoners friends and relatives. Sometimes they're more subtle .. stopping a small child and scrawling 'Fuck the rovos' over his copy of An Phoblacht. For the whole nationalist community British violence has become part of thoir way of life. They feel that to find any peaco they must fight back - cithor by rioting or by joining the armed resistance.

North London Irish Freedom Mou ment is actively campaigning for * the immediate withdrawalof British troops from Ireland * Selfrdetarmination for the Irish people * Political status for anti-imporialist prisonors In addition we hold rogular meetings and street activitie . We campaign in local trade union, Labour Party and labour movement organisations for support for the Irish liberation struggle, Among the issues that we want to highlights * the use by the British army of plastic bullets which have so far killed 12 children and maimed many more.

* Sean Mckenna, one of the original hunger strikers, who is now blind and in extremely poor health.

Vigils in remembrance of. the hunger strikers Kilburn S are, 8pm-9pm Organised by Provisional Sinn fein and the Irish Republican Socialist Party.

& July: Joe McDonnell 13 July: Martin Hurson 1 August: Kevin Lynch 2 August: Kieran Docherty 8 August: Tomas ficIlwee 20 August: Micky Devine Telephone 274 3951 for more information I would like to know more about the Irish Freedom flovoment Trade union/organisation.........

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