Irish Freedom: No. 16, August 1991

Irish Freedom Bulletin of the Irish Freedom Movement Issue 16 Autumn 1991 £1/£1.50 solidarity price The

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Win the propaganda war To order any of these items make cheques or postal orders payable to IFM association, and send to Irish Freedom Movement, BM IFM, London WCIN 3XX. For more Information write to this address or phone (071) 375 1702

CONTENTS

- Cover Photo: Tyrone nationalists pay their respects to Tony Doris, IRA volunteer shot dead by the SAS, June 1991.

3 The march for freedom 6 Martha Ellis speaks out 8 10 12 War and teace in Ireland 15 Simon Norfolk Irish Freedom Movement Editorial - Whatever happened to the war?

British strategy after Brooke Sectarianism and war: tit for tat?

The voice of the innocents T-shirts Extra large size £6 plus 60p postage and packing 16 18 20 21 22 Irish Freedom Movement Handbook £4.95 (plus 90p p&p) longest military engagement.

about...you won't get better.'

Badges £2 plus 50p p&p The UDR Four Their Connolly and ours Cartoon Shoot the women first War diary

IRISH

WAR

The Irish War remains the most comprehensive guide to Britain's Packed full of facts and analysis, the book is an essential guide to events in the war. But don't just take our word for it. This is how the Irish Post describes the handbook: 'Attractively produced and well illustrated...provides a tidy synopsis of what the North of Ireland is all

EDITORIAL

Whatever happened to the war?

Over the summer months there has been want to hide away from open view the Stalinism and social democracy and of an escalation of Britain's 22-year old war more brutal and coercive aspects of their the collapse of the Soviet Union. For seen for over a decade. It has introduced dence. They feel under no domestic a lack of belief in collective action and new armour piercing weaponry in the pressure. They have no worries at home induced passivity, a sense that nothing areas of West Belfast, have been tar- executed three IRA men in County of British attempts to marginalise, geted for arrest and torture. Despite Tyrone this June, the British media openly isolate and defeat the republican these higher levels of surveillance and reported it as an 'SAS shoot-to-kill movement. The targeted repression of repression the IRA has proved more operation'. In the past it might havedenied republicans of recent years has been political issue. Far from the increased the inefficiencies and inadequacies of the hard core republican supporters in tempo of the war arousing more interest British Rail, the British policeor the prison the North has limited the success of here, the war is simply ignored. The system than for an outburst of venom these measures. The collapse of the British political issue marks a major vicious anti-Irish chauvinism. At most movement' in Newry in August was a Throughout the past two decades there ridicule or sarcasm, rather than, as in the Britain's way. The 20 000 who marched movement in Britain in support of Irish challenge to the 'British way of life'. And the anniversary of internment in Belfreedom. But there was for most of that this sort of response is itself popularly fast were further proof that the spirit time a level of public awareness and accepted as common sense. Neither the of resistance endures, as was the election interest about events in Ireland. As a result issue of Ireland nor the media coverage of another Sinn Fein councillor in North the British establishment has at least felt of it can today be said to arouse a sense of Belfast.

Driven by its instinct for survival, the cern within Britain about Ireland, and movement remains a serious threat.

ruling class betrayed its concern for the the establishment confidence this has The significant new feature is not the potential political time-bomb the Irish encouraged, cannot be explained from limited impact of British measures to Time and again, the politicians and alone. It is an instance of a much broader encourage Britain to operate in this media peddled the big lie that the struggle phenomenon in the Western world. In way. It has never been more important for Irish unity and political independence recent months the forces of imperialism to pursue the task of clarifying the role was nothing more than a criminal, have gained confidence and have taken of British Imperialism in Ireland and to be in Britain were defensive enough to one of the results of the demise of BM, IFM, London WC1 3XX. Typeset by Paula.

in the North of Ireland. Britain has occupation.

increased troop numbers to levels not Border areas. There is a higher military profile in urban republican strongholds like West and North Belfast, Derry and Strabane. A steady succession of Irish nationalists, including IRA volunteers, Sinn Fein councillors and political activists, have been sent to their graves at the hands of British soldiers, paramilitary police and Loyalist gunmen. A greater number of nationalist youth, especially just forgotten.

in the Ballymurphy and Beechmount than capable of responding with a series SAS involvement. It would certainly have of successful attacks on British military personnel and targets. At the level of Today there are no such inhibitions.

armed activity at least, the war shows no signs of going away. On this side of the Irish Sea, however, the war has virtually disappeared as a disappearance of the Irish change. has never, of course, been a mass uneasy and insecure enough to put great questioning among British people.

effort into the propaganda war at home.

War represented in British politics.

terrorist conspiracy with no political legitimacy or popular support. The Irish British public became, a law and order the third world.

problem. For a long time the powers that

AUTUMN 1991

about the Irish issue. They are aware that much matters, and that it is pointless to as an issue it engenders little political try to change things. For the imperialist interest or debate among ordinary British powers it represents an unprecedented people. What goes on in the North of opportunity to pursue their interests Ireland is viewed as a slightly unpleasant without having any credible opposition fact of life rather than as a political to worry about.

problem. When it is in the news, people react with a sense of resignation and of Irish freedom is the way this new apathy rather than any yearning for a international political climate gives the solution. When it is not in the news, it is British establishment a freer hand to So when an SAS shoot-to-kill squad denied that there is a shoot-to-kill policy. like the Brooke talks and, more recently, British life through bombings or prison wave of anti-IRA black propaganda diescapes, as it has this year, it has rected at nationalists.

become more an occasion for bemoaning War as a against the IRA or for another wave of hyped-up, British sponsored the IRA is portrayed over here with welcomesign that not everything is going past, as a mortal threat or insidious to commemorate the hunger-strikes and to the offensive. The Gulf War marked a convince people in Britain that there is turning point towards more open and War was presented as, and for the unrestrained imperialist intervention in The rehabilitation of imperialism is ordinary people in the imperialist Today they have much greater confi- countries this experience has reinforced Of immediate concern to supporters prosecute its war in Ireland. This is the context in which to view the escalation complemented by political initiatives by intimidating speculation about the When the war directly intrudes into reintroduction of internment and a new So far, the resilience and defiance of "peace But the possibility of the further The popular lack of interest and con- marginalisation of the republican developments in the Anglo-Irish context date, but that the balance has shifted to something we can do about it.

Irish Freedom is edited by Kevin Kelly, Fiona Foster and Vicky Rowen. It is written by supporters of the IFM, and is open to anyone genuinely interested in advancing solidarity work in Britain. If you would like to help, write to: Irish Froedom, Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 3

Anti-internment demonstration 10 August 1991 The march for freedom The local radio station issued a police chanting Troops Out of Ireland, bands. Glasgow's Crossmaglen warning to drivers on 10 August Prisoners Out of Jail!'. This year's Irish Patriouts and the The Spirit of Freedom to avoid the Holloway Road area of Freedom Movement march in fromtheSix Counties helped fire up the North London because of a commemoration of the introduction of marchers as they led the demonstration demonstration. Shoppers in Islington internment without trial in Northern through North London.

marched up the Holloway Road were the drums of two Republican flute introduction of internment but it was

OUT

4 € Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

TROOPS

,OUT

NOW

had obviously not noted the warning. Ireland was as loud, colourful and well- They dropped their Safeways bags in organised as ever.

amazement as 3000 demonstrators

NSTR

Helping the march go with a bang rate the twentieth anniversary of the This year's march had especial importance. Not only did it commemo-

HUNGER

TRIERS S

IFM speaker John Fitzpatrick remembered the ten hunger-strikers: It is 10 years since the hunger-strikes...Britain forgets there will always be resistance. Each of also a year since the start of the Gulf Marchers filed into Whittington Park people of North London that there are crisis and just six months after Western to hear speakers from the IFM, the Irish significant numbers of people in this forces slaughtered a quarter of a million Anti-Extradition Committee and Sinn country who oppose Britain's occupa- Iragis during Operation Desert Storm. Fein. Loud cheers greeted statements tion of Ireland and who are prepared to We were marching not just in support of support for the armed struggle and take to the streets in the struggle for of the anti-imperialist struggle in Ire- for the nationalist communities who freedom.

1991

TROOPS

OUT

and dignity. around the world fighting for freedom 22 years of occupation.

land but in solidarity with all those continue to fight for their freedom after those prisoners was already free in themselves.

You can never keep the spirit of freedom behind bars.'

SOSTEN I ONE

The march had clearly shown to the

REPURLICAN

WISHAL

SCOTLAND

Photos: Simon Norfolk 5 Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

Anti-internment demonstration 10 August 1991 Martha Ellis speaks out Martha Ellis speaking at the anti-internment demonstration, London, 10 August 1991 Martha Ellis, sister of Irish republican Dessie Ellis, addressed the rally at the end of the anti-internment march. Dessie was the first Irish republican to be extradited un- Ireland's der new extradition treaty with Britain. He has been charged with conspiracy to cause explosions and will face trial in October.

By the time this bulletin is published he may well have begun a life sentence in a British jail. Here we reprint the text of Martha Ellis' speech

SIMON NORFOLK

6 Irish Freedom Autmn 1991 'First of all, I would like to say how Padraig Pearse tried to set up a revolupleased I am to be here, and to tionary government and push Britain congratulate the Irish Freedom out of Ireland. Britain said they were Movement on the success of this march. murderous criminals and ruthlessly For Dessie, our family, and the Irish suppressed the revolution and executed Anti-extradition Committee, itisalways 16 of our leaders.

very heartening for us to see that there It is the twentieth anniversary of inare so many people in Britain who do ternment. Britain said they were internnot support what British governments ing murderous criminals and they do in Ireland and who do not believe smashed their way into hundreds of that Irish republicans are British homes and dragged Irish people, criminals. just want to mention them briefly. It is several years without charge or trial, the two-hundredth anniversary of Irish and beat and tortured them.

republicanism. Two hundred yearsago, It is the tenth anniversary of the Wolfe Tone and others founded the hunger-strikes. Britain says the hunger- United Irishmen movement to remove strikers were murderous criminals who Britain from our country and build a were committing suicide and they let progressive, modern, free Ireland. Brit- them die rather than give them back ain said Wolfe Tone was a murderous political status.

criminal, and they ruthlessly suppressed his movement. ( 1916, when James Connolly and and are not now, British

-/REEDOM MOVEMENT

including schoolboys, into concentra- This is a year of anniversaries and I tion camps where they were held for Today, all of you are saying "No" to that old, old lie of Britain's. You are It is the seventy-fifth anniversary of saying Irish republicans never were,

criminals. And you are saying that Brit- going. My brother did not get justice in people in Ireland who do not accept ain has never been a civilising and the Irish courts. It was no coincidence their presence in our country. And the politically neutral force in Ireland. that an RAF plane had landed on Irish law, as Britain's general Sir Frank When two Irish republicans recently soil to collect Dessie on his stretcher an Kitson put it, is just a useful device for vacated Brixton prison without the hour before the supreme court's "disposing of unwanted members of governor's permission, the British me- decision was given. the public" dia said that these two were dangerous The Dublin government turned out My brother's real "crime" is that he's criminals even though they had not yet 600 soldiers and carloads of special Irish, he's republican, he's working been convicted of any crime. The Daily branch and police, all for a dying man class. If they can do this to Dessie and Express, referring to an unarmed Irish on a stretcher. Irish people, they can do it to black prisoner being moved from Brixton in Since Dessie had never been in Britain people like the Tottenham Three, then the aftermath of the escape, wrote, and felt he had a strong case, and after they are moving closer and closer to the "Anti-terror chiefs regard him as a discussions with the family, Dessie day when they can do it to all of you.

master bomber and one of the most came off hunger-strike. My family were So I want to say to you that while you dangerous men behind bars in Britain. so happy. We believed we could show should support Dessie because he's a They believe the IRA would stop at people he did not get justice in the Irish victim of injustice, you should also nothing to get him back..." courts during his extradition battle. support him because your own 'We have to break the prison bars that Britain has put around our country' That's the Daily Expresstalking about When his case came to court in Lon- interests, your own futures, are at stake my brother Dessie - although the de- don, the British authorities admitted as well. Every attack on Irish people is scription isn't the Dessie Iknow. That's they had no evidence that he was ever in an attack on your democratic rights in the sort of propaganda British people Britain. So the charges were rejected. this country. And every victory for are fed all the time. But then, to our horror, the goalposts justice in Irish cases is your victory as People fed that will sit on a jury were moved. Instead of releasing him, well.

which will decide my brother's fate. the magistrate entered two new charges. I have spoken at many meetings and The special branch will weed out of the A judicial review failed to resolve the marches and I often wonder what peojuryanyone whomight be open-minded issue of charges. It went then to the ple do afterwards. Please don't just go and prepared to believe that my brother pretrial judge and, amazingly (or per- home. Get involved, no matter how is not a criminal. Needless to say, haps not so amazingly) the small your contribution may be.

Dessie's legal team will not have any original charges, which had already We want peace for all the people on chance to object to the jurors. been thrown out, were simply our island. We have to break the Dessie is charged with possession of reinstated. prison bars that Britain has put conspiring to cause explosions within years for conspiring with persons unthe same period, even though he was in known to kill Tom King with a first-aid prison in Ireland and the USA most of kit. Even the police said they would that time and was never even in Britain. never have arrested the three except My brother knew he would not get they had Irish accents. So Justice justice, so he went on a hunger-strike. Swinton Thomas basically gave them The case was brought forward in the 25 years for possession of Irish accents.

supreme court because the doctor said Proper rules, normal procedures, and that after a certain period on hunger- so on do not exist in republican cases.

strike his mind and eyesight would be The British authorities are at war with Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 7

British strategy after Brooke After the collapse of the Brooke talks, Hugh Mitchell examines both the successes of Britain's current strategy in Ireland and the difficulties it still faces in imposing a political solution to the Irish War In the media post-mortems that have taken place in the wake of the collapse of the Brooke talks, the party that has come out smelling of roses has been the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). But the party that played the most significant role in the talks was the one that was not invited to attend - Sinn Fein. The Brooke talks were part of a longterm British strategy designed to weaken republicanism and promote constitutional nationalism. Following the hunger-strikes of the early eighties, Britain has pursued a twin-track strategy designed to isolate the republican movement from popular support in Ireland. On the one hand it has used political debates such as the Brooke talks to exclude Sinn Fein from normal political discussion on the future of Ireland. At the same time, the British authorities have developed a process of selective repression designed to deter nationalists from supporting the armed struggle. It is in this context that we should assess the Brooke initiative.

The most striking success of the Brooke talks has been the consolidation of an anti-republican consensus both sides of the border. In particular, a dialogue has potentially opened between the Loyalist parties in the North and the Twenty-six County government in the South that seemed remote at the

PANDORA ANDERSON

time of the signing of the Anglo-Trish agreement in November 1985. Although the collapse of the Brooke talks means that we should not exaggerate the extent of this development, the talks have nevertheless brought these two Peter Brooke - secretary of state for Northern Ireland 8 Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

In the Twenty-six Counties the For the Loyalists, the impact of the canonly strengthen such across-Border marginalisation and discrediting of re- Brooke initiative has been far less anti-republican coalition.

publicanism has long been a feature of straightforward. The talks exposed the For the first time since partition in politics. However, politicians have of- lack of direction of the two main Loy- 1921, a political debate has developed ten played the 'green card' to win popu- alist parties - John Molyneaux's Ulster in Ireland that is not about the existence lar support. Traditionally, the South Unionist Party (UUP) and Ian Paisley's of the Border or the pros and cons of has declared its eventual aim as Irish Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Irish unification but is only concerned unification and Articles 2 and 3 of its They have ended the talks with a mix- with the mechanisms of British rule in constitution claim sovereignty over the ture of bluster and compromise. Most Ireland. The four 'constitutional' parwhole of Ireland. This rhetorical na- people hold Unionist intransigence to ties and the Irish and British governtionalism has played a key part in cre- blame for the ending of the talks. ments have all explicitly and publicly ating the illusion that the Twenty-six However, as we have argued in Irish agreed that the Border is here to stay.

is an independent Freedom it is Britain which held the British strategy over the past decade But now even the rhetorical national- sore from their failed campaign against to ten years ago, the republican moveism of the past is being abandoned in the Anglo-Irish agreement, Loyalist ment has been contained, the Unionists favour of a more straightforward ac- politicians have had no alternative but marginalised, constitutional nationalists commodation with Britain. Both to follow the lead provided by Britain. brought centre-stage and anti-republitaoiseach) and Mary Robinson (the Irish Loyalism responded to the talks by British occupation still breeds resistpresident) have declared their willing- stepping up sectarian attacks against ance. To whatever degree Britain ness to examine the "constitutional ob- nationalists, and launching a modest manages to contain the republican stacles to restarting the talks - in other incendiary bombing campaign in the movement, it still cannot pass off its words they are willing to countenance Twenty-six Counties. Paisley and military occupation of the Six Counties dropping Articles 2 and 3 from the Irish Molyneaux, meanwhile, comforted as part of a normal political process.

Southern themselves with the "Twelfth' parades The conflict of interest between establishment has successfully - displays of Orange bigotry and nationalistsand the British state, and its negotiated, in conjunction with Britain, Loyalist domination through areas such Loyalist agents, is too profound to be much from the talks. The SDLP's dition does not provide a direction for Britain leaves Ireland and its future to proposal to examine the 'totality of the future. It is, ironically, to the growing the Irish people.

PHIL MURPHY

The other British diplomats players together for the first time.

Counties republic. Charles Haughey (the Fianna Fail constitution. The one more step away from Irish self-determination. In the North, the SDLP has gained fruition during the talks.

Pomeroy, Co Tyrone. relationships on the island' was anti-republican sentiment in the faithfully reproduced in the 'three Twenty-six Counties that the Unionists strands' agenda of the talks. Its long- are now beginning to look. They have term aim of deflecting nationalist anger already greeted Mary Robinson in through Southern "participation' in Belfast City Hall, and have intervened Northern affairs came a little closer to in the debate about Articles 2 and 3.

lat more The current political climate in the South whip hand in the Brooke talks. Still has certainly borne fruit. As compared The more predictable wing of can sentiment consolidated. However, as the 95 per cent Catholic village of resolved through political dialogue, or any other British-imposed solution.

However, a retreat into Loyalist tra- Real progress will only come when Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 9

Sectarianism and war: tit for tat?

Chris Sweeney asks who are the real sectarians in Northern Ireland?

On the night of 29 March this year the would also face assassination. common sense will prevail among them.

all-too familiar consequences of British In spite of a temporary ceasefire' by In fact, Loyalist killers and the secuterror were visited upon the nationalist Loyalist paramilitaries, sectarian kill- rity forces work in tandem - their target Drumbeg Estate in North Armagh. As ings have increased this year. They is exclusively the nationalist commureported in An Phoblacht/Republican have also become far more sinister. In nity. Equally, the IRA is conducting News, at around 8.40pm a blue Escort addition to random terror killings, nota campaign of sectarian killings but van pulled up by a local shop. Two Loyalists have been more accurate in a war against British forces and their hooded men got out and one wentinside. hitting selected republicans. Already Loyalist allies in Ireland. If we examine The gunman said, 'Provisional IRA, hit six republican activists have been the figures for people killed from the floor!' He then shot both assistants, murdered this year, including two Sinn January to August 1991 we can see that 17-year old Eileen Duffy and 19-year Fein councillors, Eddie Fullerton and there is no basis for branding the IRA as old Catriona Rennie. Brian Frizzell, Bernard O'Hagan. sectarian, or for equating its violence who had approached the shop in an Both Fullerton's and O'Hagan's with that of the Loyalists. Of the 25 apparent attempt to help the two young murders were claimed by the Ulster people killed in this period, 16 were women, turned and ran as the killer Freedom Fighters (UFF)-acover name members of the security forces.

emerged. The killer chased Frizzell, for the open and legal Loyalist para- The real sectarian murderers in shooting him in the leg and then military organisation the Ulster Defence Northern Ireland are the loyalist pumping four more shots into him as he Association. However, the military paramilitaries. Britain has made the tumbled down the hill. precision with which the killings were Protestants loyal subjects by guaran- The murders, which were claimed by conducted strongly suggests that the teeing them a privileged position over the Protestant Action Force (a cover killers were trained by the British au- their Catholic neighbours in terms of name for the Ulster Volunteer Force), thorities, if not actually members of jobs, services and political power. The came after a series of death threats from the security forces themselves. Loyalists regard not just the IRA, but UDR and RUC members. During their While the British media ignores the all Catholics as a threat to their privialmost nightly visits to the shop the murders of Fullerton and O'Hagan, it leges. They see any change in the status UDR and RUC men left with parting claimsthat the killing of Gary Lynchby quo as undermining their position.

comments such as 'are you still here?' the IRA, in Derry on 9 August, was Loyalist assassination squads usually and "it will not be long now'. simply because he was a Protestant and operate indiscriminately because their In the past 22 years of war over 700 a member of the Ulster Democratic aim is to terrorise all Catholics, and members of the nationalist community Party. The press dismiss the fact that their victims are often chosen at random.

have become victims of Loyalist kill- Lynch was also a member of the UFF The stamp of Loyalist bigotry can be ers, 22 of these sectarian murders tak- and was responsible for carrying out found on many of its victims.

ing place this year alone. Among the attacks on the nationalist community. Throughout the 1970s the Shankill recent victims was 33-year old newsa- The British authorities have presented Butchers - a Loyalist murder gang opgent Jim Carson who was shot dead these killings as part of an increasing erating in Belfast - carried out 19 brutal behind the counter of his 7-Eleven shop cycle of 'tit for tat'. One commentator killings, in an area of less than one and in West Belfast on 10 August. The described it as a 'spiral of sectarian a half square miles of the city.

group claiming responsibility for his killings. In a recent statement Northern Albert 'Ginger' Baker, British agent murder, the Loyalist Retaliation and Ireland secretary Peter Brooke argued and leader of another terror group the Defence Group, said that Carson had that, 'The security forces cannot stop 'Romper Room' gang, which operated been targeted for the offence of stock- the killings, that's a matter for the ter- in Belfast in the early 1970s, explained ing copies of An Phoblacht/Republican rorists themselves. It is not within my that the role of these gangs was 'to fit News and warned that other 'stockists' power to change it. One just hopes that into the British intelligence plan to ter- 10 Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

rorise the nationalist community and Party has been made apparent in the the violence in Ireland as sectarian Even the most sophisticated practi- Brooke's refusal to cancel the 16 July murder of republicans becomes less tioners of British propaganda have not inter- governmental meeting with controversial.

most religious member of the IRA is of to withdraw from the process in order between British terrorists in uniform necessity anti-sectarian, as their goal is to save face among their own commu- and their freelance assistants, the Loythe destruction of the sectarian state nity. Many Loyalists felt that their alist paramilitary gangs. In Northern which survives only through the leaders were going soft. In traditional Ireland, attempting to terrorise the nainstitutionalised oppression of fashion Loyalist paramilitaries have tionalist community into submission is Loyalist gunmen in uniform been able to attribute to the IRA the Dublin was the last straw for many deranged brutality that characterises Loyalists.

Loyalist sectarian murders. Even the The marginalisation of Loyalist politi- and on-going campaign of terror.

cians such as lan Paisley of the Democratic Unionist Party and James might be a reaction to Paisley and Molyneaux were forced The recent upsurge in sectarian kill- the nationalist community. Recent atings this year is very much the product tempts to murder known republican of events in the Loyalist community. activists are part of a well organised While the upsurge in sectarianism the Molyneaux of the Official Unionist marginalisation of the Loyalists, there can be no doubt whatsoever that more than collusion goes on between the British security forces and Loyalist terror gangs. The reality of this relationship was exposed in embarrassing fashion as a result of the Stevens Inquiry.

The inquiry was set up after the sectarian murder by the UFF of Catholic Laughlin Maginn in August 1989. The inquiry discovered at least 2600 Army files in Loyalist hands, and despite its attempt to cover up the extent of the collusion between the security forces and the death squads, was forced to admit that the two often worked hand-in-hand.

Britain, however, is reluctant to be banana republic-style seen running death squads. Hence British spokesmen constantly denounce Loyalist violence. In a recent BBC Newsnight programme Hugh Annesley, chief constable of the RUC, was at pains to distance the security forces from any responsibility for sectarian violence.

It is a pity the Loyalists have taken the stance they've now declared', he told the interviewer, 'because the only conclusion one can draw from that is that they will now enter the fray, and we can anticipate more obscene and offensive sectarian murders'.

Through their current emphasis of branding every killing as 'tit for tat' and the IRA as mindless sectarians the British authorities are attempting to portray themselves as 'peacemakers".

Through the policy of targeting active republicans the British authorities are attempting to use the climate of fear to gain a freer hand for their own operations. At the same time, by portraying course of the Brooke talks. Peter killings, Britain can ensure that the Our aim is to show the truth about the Irish War. When it comes to Britain's war in Ireland there is no real difference stepped up their terror campaign against an essential part of Britain's war effort.

Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 11

What price real peace? Kevin Kelly examines the new peace movements in Ireland - and asks whether they could end the war The British media has recently So, 22 years into the Irish War, have British media Fait is run, not from the given considerable exposureto the nationalist communities begun to living rooms of terrorised mothers, but the establishment of two new reject the IRA? Will these new peace from the headquarters of the Workers' 'peace movements' in Ireland. groups grow in strength to the extent Party. Ironically, another leading (Stop) and the Newry Hostage answer these questions, we need to man while active in the Official IRA, Support Group were set up in look more carefully at the various peace before that group abandoned any high-profile, well-orchestrated kneecapped by the IRA in Downpatrick. of the British government in the form of which Such punishment shootings forcriminal a £4500 grant with a promise of more to Families Against Intimidation and of her son by these 'gangsters' and from the nationalist Drumalane estate Terror and the Peace Train Organisation 'thugs' turned her into a mediacelebrity. in Newry to leave Ireland or face the all claim to represent a new wave of Again and again she has been wheeled consequences, it expected little popular revulsion against the IRA. The out by the press and TV to call on all opposition. Three of the criminals thousands of people who attended the mothers to join her campaign and to (known in the Six Counties as "hoods") Stop rally after the shooting of the defend ordinary peopie from the IRA. packed up and headed for England.

informer in the South and the high The media has remained silent however, Enter the Fait bandwagon and the the two men resisting IRA threats in his punishment and has refused to of middle-class politicians and Catholic Stop Oppression and Pain response to recent IRA groups.

activities on both sides of the Border - the former after the execution of an IRA informer in the Irish Republic and the latter after the IRA ordered six criminals in Newry to leave the Six Counties. The two groups became the focus of a media campaign conveyed the impression that and anti- social behaviour are widely the nationalist communities themselves were, at long last, rejecting the IRA. endless list of 'peace' have been formed throughout Ireland promoting her anti-IRA politics.

over the past two years. New Consensus, Newry gave credence to the claims of endorse his mother's campaign.

these new peace groups. Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 12 War and peace in Ireland that the republican movement becomes member of Fait, Henry Robinson, was so isolated that defeat is inevitable? To himself convicted of kneecapping a Families Against Intimidation and Terror (Fait) Fait was formed after a youth was accepted, and indeed called for, within the nationalist communities. In this particular case, however, the young man's mother, Nancy Gracey (a Stop and the Hostage Support Group supporter of the anti-Republican are the two latest names on a seemingly Workers' Party) decided to use her groups which son's misfortune as a means of Gracey's outrage at the mutilation' media profile given to the supporters of about the fact that Gracey's son accepted pretence of support for the antiimperialist struggle and became the Workers' Party. The campaign, like all these selfproclaimed anti-violence groups, remains deafeningly silent about British violence. It has had nothing to say about the torture and harassment of nationalist youth by the security forces and, in recognition of this pro-British bias, Fait has won the moral and financial backing come. Newry Hostages Support Group When the IRA ordered six criminals accompanying media circus. An array bishops suddenly became the friends of Despite the extravagant claims of the common criminals in a desperate effort

to present the IRA as the enemy of march demanding that the hoods get councillor Sammy Wilson also looks ordinary nationalists. In fact, the leading out of Newry. This open display of somewhat out of place on an antilights in this newly-formed group are support for the actions of the republican violence protest, having refused to The British media gave great publicity media - it simply did not fit in with the Councillor Eddie Fullerton. Wilson to the 60-strong demonstration to tone of the overall coverage of these called 5000 voters in North Belfast an attack by a Loyalist death squad on the 'peace groups'. It organises community. This shock and grief was their way to visit relatives in Long throughout Ireland and in England. It quickly seized upon by a coalition of Kesh. Also hard to find in the columns can count among its supporters a number anti-republican interests who set up of the press was the public statement by of British Labour MPs in addition to the Stop. The main focus of Stop was a one of the hoods, Hugo Brown, who usual array of constitutional nationalists peace rally to be held in Cooley's gaelic gave himself up to Sinn Fein, admitted and upionists from the North and South football ground. Upwards of 2000 local his involvement in criminal activities, of Ireland. Well represented in this group people attended. The event was widely and accused the Workers' Party and are members of the two right-wing reported as a powerful symbol of a Fait of using himself and his friends for parties in the Republic - Fine Gael and community's rejection of the IRA.

Fait agreed on the dramatic gesture of Consensus, and very visible on most of community's grief for his own ends.

leading the two remaining hoods into its protests, is the Ulster Unionist and Addressing the rally, McGahon called sanctuary in Newry's Catholic former UDR member, Ken Maginnis. for the immediate introduction of cathedral. The striking image of these This new recruit to the peace movement internment without trial north and south poor defenceless innocents peering is famous for calling for the summary of the border. Other speakers, including through the bars of their self-styled execution of republicans and for his priests, urged locals to isolate and shun prison cell was sure to have an impact. 'two swallows don't make a summer' any neighbours or friends who were In response, residents of the comment in response to the execution known to sympathise with the Drumalane estate held a 500-strong of two unarmed IRA men. Loyalist republican movement.

SIMON NORFOLK

The peace Britain offers is the peace of the grave interchangeable with those in Fait.

Newry's Sinn Fein office. It was the events.

standing up and rejecting the IRA.

Or was it? The media conveniently ignored the fact that inside the Sinn Fein offices sat some of the real victims of British rule in Ireland: a group of women and children who had survived their own political ends.

In an attempt to regain the initiative, movement was largely ignored by the criticise the murder of Sinn Fein perfect photo-opportunity - the three After 12 days, the hoods were led out defenceless men pictured outside the of the Cathedral and into hiding. By this Sinn Fein office supported by their stage, even the most pro-British families and friends, gloriously defiant. commentators were conceding that the For Fait/Newry Hostage Support much heralded local support for the Group, this was a vision of the shape of men had failed to materialise. Indeed, things to come: ordinary people Sinn Fein has reported a doubling in the sales of its newspaper RepublicanNews in the area. New Consensus the Progressive Democrats.

'animals' for electing a republican candidate. Stop Terror, Oppression and Pain The IRA execution of informer Tom Oliver, a farmer from Cooley, just north of Dundalk in the Twenty-six Counties, sent shock- waves through this close- This is probably the best known of all knit and relatively nationalist Fine Gael TD Brendan McGahon was A prominent supporter of New determined to manipulate the Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 13

Within days of the Cooley rally, caused to people's lives by the British called peace groups have not been another local man went to Sinn Fein forces occupying Northern Ireland. similarly discredited shows that antiand admitted to having informed on the When organisers of a campaign to republicans have a certain room to IRA. He claimed to have been reopen the border roads blocked by the manoeuvre, especially in the Irish blackmailed and terrorised by local British Army tried to get a statement of Republic. But, unlike the Peace People, garda special branch. He had been asked support from the PTO they were none of these groups have won any to help set up a local republican for rebuffed on the grounds that PTO was credibility within the nationalist assassination. Brendan McGahon and a single issue campaign. Strange then communities.

the Catholic hierarchy all refused to that many PTO activists are also active considerable resources and their cosy comment on the case. Shortly afterwards in New Consensus, Fait and so on. In relationship with all sections of the the media were told that Stop was a their determination to present the IRA British and Irish media, the new peace one-off campaign and would not as the sole source of violence in Ireland, groups have failed to mobilise the The Peace Train Organisation was years has given Westminster a new republican peace movement are likely formed in response to the IRA's highly confidence in the ideological battle to be frustrated.

bombings on the Belfast to Dublin called peace groups have received such adamant that it is the partition of their railway line. The PTO had some early prominence is testament to this. The country and the military occupation by success in mobilising middle-class last time a peace movement gained the British Army that causes the students and moderate trade unionists. some influence in Northern Ireland was violence in Ireland.

Its early stunts of riding the 'peace in 1976 when two mothers formed the Any peace movement that does not train' gave the campaign a high profile. Peace People in response to the tragic campaign first and foremost for the But the arrival of the peace train in deaths of three children hit by an IRA removal of partition and the British London recently showed that, far from car. The group staged some large presence is bogus. The defeat of British building on this support, the campaign protests but before long lost all imperialism is the prerequisite for real had been whittled down to a handful of credibility within the nationalist peace in Ireland. The real force for

JOE BOATMAN

Nationalist people look to the IRA to fight for peace continue to organise in the area.

Peace Train Organisation

(PTO)

old faces and old political interests.

its failure to condemn the disruption Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

SUN JẢN 28

IRA

WEAPON

OF

RESISTANCE

single issue that unites them - their represent.

hatred of all things republican. Just to disruptive campaign of regular against the IRA. The fact that these so- The group has lost credibility through to condemn British Army atrocities.

The fact that the new spate of sothese single issue campaigns have one ordinary people whom they claim to So long as the peace groups can rely underline this point, the PTO has on the media to present a 60-strong received a £8500 from the British march as a backlash against the IRA, and to censor incidents like the anti- Britain's apparent success in security force riot in Warrenpoint, they stemming rising support for the are assured of a degree of success. But republican movement over the last six any hopes of building a mass anti- The nationalist people remain community when its organisers refused peace is the struggle to end the British occupation of Ireland.

Voice of the innocents Joe Boatman reports on the British government's latest YTS scheme - in Belfast's Crumlin Road jail As we go to press, nine youths are lain, itis thought he would have died in form of youth internment.

new strategy of picking on vulnerable Another five are 'on the run', scared against the IRA received plenty of young people has led other prisoners to to go home in case they are fitted up in publicity here (see pages 12-14), the remark that it is getting to be like a YTP the same way. Dozens of Belfast's 200-strong protests organised against (Northem Ireland equivalent of YTS) young inhabitants - some as young as the British Army and the RUC organised Scheme in there. The nine face charges 14 - are now constantly stopped in the by VOTI have not received mention. It for actions they confessed to under streetby RUCand British Army patrols. is up to supporters of Irish Freedom to torture. All have suffered the same kind The RUC acknowledge their innocence voice a call for urgent action - to get the of abuse suffered by Austin; one was so - while telling them 'you'll do' for a murderous RUC and British Army off traumatised by the RU's interrogation legal frame-up or a summary death the streets of Belfast and out of Ireland methods that he became paralysed from sentence. It is the fear that they will now. That is how we can play a the neck down. He was left in this carry out their death threats against preventative role.

This September, British prime minister John Major lectured the Chinese government on human rights, quoting at ministers an Amnesty International list of political prisoners held in China. Back home, however, his government has yet to respond to Amnesty's concern over Britain's latest political prisoners - the youth of the Ballymurphy and Beechmount estates in the Six Counties. One of them, Damien Austin, has become the subject of the first Urgent Action Order to be issued by Amnesty International in Northern Ireland. In the last issue of Irish Freedom, an interview with 17-year old Austin from Beechmount highlighted the RUC's new campaign of harassment against Belfast's youth. Since then, the RUC and British Army have intensified their z attacks on Austin and his friends. Austin & has been rearrested and has had to • endure a repetition of the kind of ® treatment he described to Irish Freedom in July - "They slapped me, bent my fingers back, burnt my face with cigarettes. They pulled my trousers down and my trunks and tried to burn me.' being held in Crumlin Road jail. This his cell.

The return of internment ДОБІ Damien Austin, British torture continues condition, lying in his own dirt and Austin that has led Amnesty urine for 48 hours. But for the last International to issue an Urgent Action Order (UAO). The UAO asks Amnesty's members and supporters to write to their MPs and relevant government ministers expressing their concern. Amnesty's press officer Anita Tiessen explained, 'We have no doubt that torture and illtreatment take place in Northern Ireland.

What has happened is not exceptional.

In this case both the report of the police doctor and an independent doctor confirmed that Damien Austin's injuries were consistent with the torture he complained of". Not that this is the first time Amnesty International has had serious concern about death threats, but 'in this case we can name one person who might actually be killed. We hope to play a preventative role'.

In Belfast, parents have formed a campaign group - Voice of the Innocent (VOTI) - to publicise and resist the RUC and British Army's latest tactic of systematically arresting young people and beating false statements out of them.

Mary Nolan of VOTI told us, 'It's happening in Beechmount and Ballymurphy. We fear for all the youth in Belfast and the rest of the Six minute intervention of the prison chap- Counties. This could escalate into a While two men in Newry protesting Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 15

Guilty of membership of Britain's war machine Janet Sugden explains why the Irish Freedom Movement is not backing the latest campaign against British 'injustice' alist paramilitary Protestant Action groups, including many involved in the Irish News described the UDR as 'yobs Force but eye-witness accounts of a campaigns to free the Guildford Four with guns who in a more civilised soci- UDR patrol in the area resulted in five and the Birmingham Six, have been ety might expect to be in prison or a UDR members being questioned in careful to call these men the "Armagh mental institution'. Formed in 1970, Castlereagh interrogation centre. Of the Four' and to present their case on its the UDR is the direct descendent of the five men who signed confessions, one own merits rather than in the overall notorious 'B' Specials and incorpowas later released and the remaining context of the Irish War. In this way, rated most of the membership of that four were given life sentences at their these men have become just another anti-Catholic force. Ninety-seven per Following the release of the Guildford Four and the Birmingham Six many people have turned their attention to another case of 'miscarriage of justice' - the UDR Four. These four members of the British Army's Ulster Defence Regiment were arrested eight years ago for the murder of Adrian Carroll, a young Catholic painter shot in the neck, shoulder, and head as he walked home from work in December 1982. trial in 1986. Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 16 The UDR Four The four men have always protested judicial system.

their innocence, claiming that their confessions were obtained through threats of the murder of Adrian Carroll - the and violence. In January of this year, British state is quite capable of sacrificthe British authoritiesreopened the case, ing four of 'itsown' as a way of enhanc- Northern Ireland secretary Peter Brooke ing its image as a model of fair play. But referring it to the court of appeal.

paigns and pro-justice groups have their role in murdering this young taken up the case of the UDR Four and Catholic, but there can be no doubt as to in so doing, have joined a vast array of their role in the Irish War. All members Unionist and British MPs calling for of the UDR are guilty of membership of the release of the four men. Unlike the Britain's war machine in Ireland.

The murder was claimed by the loy- Unionists, however, the solidarity The UDR Four may well be innocent the UDR Four are certainly not innocent.

A number of Irish solidarity cam- There may be 'reasonable' doubt as to An editorial in a recent edition of the four innocent victims of an unfair British cent Protestant, the UDR has become

Thatcher praises UDR, part of Britain's war machine feared and hated by ordinary national- knowledge the role of the four men in frame-ups of innocent Irish people not ists subjected to continuous harassment, the Irish War. Ian Paisley Junior (yes as isolated cases of British injustice but surveillance and beatings from its pa- his son!), who runs the campaign, sees as part of a deliberate strategy by the trols. Even pro-British nationalist the fight to release the UDR Four as British state to terrorise the Irish compoliticians like the SDLP's Seamus part and parcel of the struggle to pre- munity in Britain. We demand the Mallon have been forced to call for the serve the Union. His aim is to ensure release of all Irish prisoners in jail not disbandment of the UDR, warning that that all members of the British security simply because we want to fight for its behaviour was pushing ordinary peo- forces remain beyond reproach for wag- "justice' but because we want to fight ple into the arms of the IRA. ing war on those who threaten that for Irish freedom.

Earlier this year, Mallon and his cro- Union. Many of the loyalist politicians Our support for the Guildford Four, nies claimed victory when the UDR who have backed the UDR Four cam- the Birmingham Six, the Maguire was absorbed into the Royal Irish Rang- paign would not readily be associated Seven, for Judith Ward and for counters. The skepticism with which most with campaigns for justice. Most feel less other Irish victims of the British nationalists greeted the merger was more comfortable calling for more judicial system stems from the fact that confirmed when Sir John Wilsey, the shoot-to-kill operations against the IRA we take sides in the Irish war with the officer in command of the British Army and welcoming the murder of unarmed Irish people against the British state.

in Northern Ireland, welcomed the move republicans.

arguing that This signifies the coming The IFM has no intention of camof age of the UDR and will mean ever paigning for the release of the UDR more patrols on the ground". Four. As members of the British security In contrast to the liberal approach of forces, we do not consider them to be the justice lobby, the Loyalist supporters of the UDR Four are proud to ac- It is vital that we understand the Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 17

Their Connolly and ours Fiona Foster reclaims James Connolly's message from James Connolly, labour leader and ing class politics in order to play a of revolutionaries who practised their instigator of the 1916 Easter Rising, leading role in a republican-led rising internationalism by arguingrelentlessly once as the 'hero of the working man'. apparent acceptance of the need for 'The signal of war ought to have been It is this apparent conflict between Irish independence in advance of any the signal of rebellion. When the bugle socialism which has informed many lamenting Connolly's political decline their notes should have been taken as studies of his life and politics. The into pure nationalism: 'Quite simply the tocsin of social revolution'.

Politics of James Connolly is no the red flag was lowered beneath the More horrifyingeven than seeing inter- Socialist Workers Party) - boasts of the 1913 Dublin Lock-out for old oppressor, Britain. "They have revolutionary socialist analysis of instead on Connolly's disappointment battened them and for the class that tances his approach from that of other the outbreak of the First World War, noted in disbelief.

deed a revolutionary one, will have to socialists abandoned their internation- is entirely wrong. Allen claims that wait. Allen's main contention is exactly alism in favour of supporting their own from this time, Connolly effectively on the working class and became a Germany, and John MacLean in Scot- that Connolly, desperate to use the op- The Politics of James Connolly By Kieran Allen Pluto Press, £27.50 hbk, £9.95pbk features in two popular Irish ballads, against British rule in 1916.

once as 'the brave son of Ireland' and those by Desmond Greaves and, more Connolly's politics".

18 Irish Freedom Autumn 1991

REVIEW

those who would rather bury it Where Greaves applauds Connolly's the signal of revolution at home: James Connolly's nationalism and social progress, Allen joins Morgan in green...In practice he liquidated his Author Kieran Allen - a leading politics into the general nationalist member of the Socialist Workers Move- movement.' But while Morgan blamed ment (the Irish wing of the the demoralising effect of the defeat of being the first to attempt a 'critical Connolly's 'decline', Allen focuses Connolly's politics. He rapidly dis- at the international socialist reaction to well-known books on Connolly, namely which he claims was devastating for recently, Austin Morgan. But anyone Undoubtedly James Connolly looked seeking a fresh new approach, or in- on in horror as former comrades and the same as that of both Morgan and ruling classes in the war. Along with Greaves: that James Connolly gave up Lenin in Russia, Rosa Luxemburg in nationalist who submerged his work- land, Connolly was amongst the handful for workers to use the signal of war as sounded the first note for actual war national socialists adopting a chauvinist position in an imperialist war was the sight of Irish workers themselves being led into battle on the side of their volunteered to fight for an Empire that degraded and robbed them, Connolly Allen is right to say that these events had a major impact on Connolly's politics. His assessment of the consequence of that impact, however, gave up on building a working class opposition to imperialism. He argues

portunity of the war to strike a blow murder each other in an imperialist Army: In the event of victory, hold against Britain, looked to the war, he rightly recognised that working onto your rifles as those with whom we nationalists as the only force capable of class politics, internationalism and anti- are fighting may stop before our goal is revolution while his theory led to lifetime. Many of his labour and trade ing the working class was not enough, pessimism about the possibility of union allies had become, in Connolly's Allen finishes his analysis by blaming Allen's contention that Connolly be- blood of every rival of the British Irish left to this day and for the success came a pessimist leads him to accuse capitalist class. Tom Johnson (who of middle class nationalism. Socialists Connolly of opting for a 'minority-led became the leader of the Irish Labour today are left with the obvious quesinsurrection' in place of building a Party) and D Campbell (a leading trade tion', argues Allen, working class movement. 'Connolly's unionist) openly supported the war and tactics and strategy were totally correct, overriding goal of a minority-led insur- moved to stop anti-war meetings. A was the left so weak for decades after- ', argues Allen, 'led him towards hundred thousand Irish workers had wards?'. And again: "Any assessment When Britain threatened to introduce Conscription, for Connolly, would have totally over the left must therefore look conscription in Ireland, Connolly and been a fatal blow to the working class. closely at the type of concessions his workers' army (the 200-strong Irish In these conditions, and extremely Connolly made in his own day.' As Citizen Army) proposed a tactical alli- isolated in his anti-war views, Connolly Southern Irish society is gripped by the ance with the hardline section of the decided on the way forward. Far from debate over whether or not to celebrate republican movement for the purpose being a pessimist who gave up on the the Easter Rising on this, its seventyof a rising against British rule. Allen workingclass, Connolly believed thata fifth anniversary, Kieran Allen proargues that this alliance signalled rising against Britain, while it was en- duces a book which would clearly as- Connolly's ultimate abandonment of gaged in a world war, would show by sign this event, and Connolly's role in the need to build a working class move- example that workers' interests could it, to the dustbin of history.

Connolly's alliance with the republi- describes it. He was aware of the seek to emphasise and celebrate James cans is seen as proof of his retreat from weakness of the working class and of Connolly's central message - that the working class politics. 'Connolly's ap- his political isolation, but he genuinely Irish working class is the only force peal to the rank and file of the republican believed that it was better to try and fail capable of achieving real freedom and organisations", writes Allen, 'reflected than not to try at all. For Connolly, the independence for Ireland; and that if an a further retreat in his politics.' In his threat to working class politics was independent Ireland is to be one in determination to present Connolly as a sufficient explanation: "The European which Irish workers' needs are met, degenerated working class leader, Allen battlefields of today provide the one then it is the working class which must his actions to suit his own conclusions. Connolly had always argued that mid- alist struggle.

class, James Connolly saw the rising as to achieve real economic and social the one message that all sections of the an opportunity to lay the basis for a freedom for Irish workers. Contrary to Irish left are loath to reclaim but the one working class anti-imperialist move- Allen's charge, his view did not change message that can help reforge a workment in Ireland. As Connolly watched and on the very eve of the Rising, he ing class anti-imperialist movement the workers of the world march out to told the workers of the Irish Citizen throughout Ireland today.

achieving this and submerged his imperialism were in disarray.

political approach beneath theirs: 'Connolly's own instinct called for faced the biggest political defeat of his working class action.' rection' pandering to nationalist politics.

ment: "Hence the key thing was not to only be served in an Ireland free from wait to win over the majority of workers British rule.

to insurrection, but rather to strike before the State was ready! has distorted Connolly's message and and all-sufficient answer."

The small working class in Ireland as political liberty.

words, 'raving jingoes howling for the James Connolly for the failures of the already gone to fight on Britain's side. of why the nationalist forces won out so 'In the event of victory, hold onto your rifles as those with whom we are fighting may stop before ourgoal is reached. We are for economic as well as political liberty.'

Connolly's involvement in the rising 'revolutionary, socialist' analysis of was no act of despair in the way Allen Connolly's life would first and foremost Far from giving up on the working declassnationalists could not be trusted reached. We are for economic as well As if accusing Connolly of abandon- 'Why, if Connolly's Call me optimistic, but I would have hoped that something calling itself a play the leading role in the anti-imperi- This is James Connolly's message, Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 19

The John Major five point quite nice national

VALUES

SOUTH OSE TIAN

SCUM I

GEORGIAN,

BASTARD!

A PEACEFUL

PROGRAMME

20 Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 guide to Liberation struggles

BURN THE,

JEWS.

A RETURN TO TRADITIONAL

IT'S THE

SIT MACHE NEW

MACDONALD'S

A COMMITMENT TO THE

IDEALS OF DEMOCRACY

THEY RE DIRECTED AT

SOMEBODY ELSE.

really ER...

ACTUALLY..

B A DISTINKT

CULTURAL HERIT

Shoot the women first It is hard to believe that a woman It is the women themselves who suc- MacDonald's claim to have felt uneasy who, under God, can give birth to ceed in exploding the myths. Repeat- with the women because she is 'an new life, can be so twisted and warped edly they cite 'the fight for a home- enemy by birth' will anger anyone who by hate that she can bring forth death land", 'the fight to get the Brits out", or knows that the republican movement to an innocent victim.' This was Un-. 'the need to bring about a revolution' as has long welcomed to the Six Counties tion to the news that a female mem- Many of them freely admit to having out the truth.

that killed a part-time member of the enemies to suit their own ends, carrying the anti-IRA prejudices of the average Shoot the Women First, by investi- Once arrested, though, they mustreckon are interested in revolutionary politics gative journalist Eileen MacDonald, is with the same torture that their male and national liberation struggles it is an attempt to challenge this type of comrades face -and often to a lot worse. compulsive reading. Like Mairead reaction to women's involvement in The title Shoot the Women Firstcomes Farrell, who returned to active service "terrorism'. By interviewing a whole from a piece of advice given to police straight after serving a 10-year prison series of women engaged in armed teams when dealing with terrorist in- sentence, many of these women have struggles from Palestine to Ireland to cidents. For the security forces, women failed to be deterred by torture and the Basque country, MacDonald seeks engaging in political violence are all imprisonment. Like Mairead Farrell to challenge some of the prevailing the more threatening for having broken also, they are prepared to pay the highest myths about these women: that theyare the powerful stereotype of women as price - their lives.

Shoot the Women First By Eileen MacDonald Fourth Estate, £14.99 hbk IRA women at war ionist MP William Macrea's reac- their main motivation.

ber of the IRA had planted the bomb used the chauvinist prejudices of their abnormal, motivated only by the love weak, emotional and dependent.

of men, or brainwashed.

REVIEW

This book provides a rare insight into the lives and experiences of these inspiring and dedicated women. But, as the book proceeds, Mac Donald reveals the strength of her own set of prejudices and her comments frustratingly interrupt this otherwise fascinating series of interviews. MacDonald constantly intervenes to remind herself and the reader that these women are 'terrorists': 'It all seemed dreadfully reasonable as long as one accepted the revolutionary reasoning and ignored the fact that they were subjecting human beings to terror.'

All semblance of liberalism disappears in the chapter on women in the IRA. Here MacDonald adopts the language of the most pro-British commentator when she describes the women as 'chilling' and admits to being 'more afraid of the IRA than any other organisation I'd approached'. Nothing to do, I suppose, with the fact that the guns of these particular women are aimed straight at the British state.

any British person interested in finding This book will do little to challenge bombs in their handbags and so on. British reader. But for those of us who Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 21

Tuesday 25 June: Two RUC men sustain serious leg injuries and a number of civilians are hurt by an IRA bomb in Queen Street, Belfast.

Thursday 27 June: The IRA places a bomb outside a theatre in Hayes, West London where the Blues and Royals of the household cavalry are playing a concert - it is discovered the next morning after failing to explode. Saturday 29 June: The IRA shoots dead Cecil McKnight in the Waterside area of Derry. McKnight, says the IRA, was a UDA/UFF commander in the city and had been involved in the recent murder of Sinn Fein councillor, Eddie Fullerton.

The INLA shoots dead one of its own members in West Belfast accusing him of being an informer.

The Queen visits Northern Ireland for the first time in 14 years to present the UDR with their colours at Thiepval Barracks in Lisburn. She praises this notorious anti-Catholic force for standing up to those who 'would do evil against the community. Sunday 30 June: The IRA places a bomb outside an RAF and naval careers office in Preston, Lancashire.

It explodes as attempts are being made to defuse it, causing extensive damage but no injuries. Monday 1 July: A British soldier is injured in the New Lodge Road, North Belfast by a grenade thrown by an IRA volunteer. Wednesday 3 July: Northern Ireland secretary Peter Brooke announces that his talks have run out of time and burglar alarm of a nearby house to direction, and that he is ending them.

Thursday 4 July: The main border checkpoint outside Newry, Co Down is attacked with mortar bombs - one explodes close to the accommodation area but causes no injuries. Friday 5 July: A British soldier suffers blast injuries when an Army jeep he is in takes a direct hit from a grenade in the Turf Lodge estate, A taxi driver from Andersonstown, Belfast is sentenced to several years for causing grievous bodily harm during the killings of two British Army corporals in Casement Park in Gerard Harte has his conviction for Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 22 the killing of two Australian tourists in Roermond, Holland quashed.

Saturday 6 July: Loyalist gunmen break into the home of a woman from the Beechmount estate in West Belfast who two days earlier had been charged with making her home available to the IRA. The woman is Sunday 7 July: Two Irish remand prisoners, Pearse McAuley and Nessan Quinlivan, shoot their way out of Brixton prison after producing a hand gun hidden in the sole of a training shoe. Seven RUC men are injured in two separate grenade attacks on their jeeps in North Belfast.

DIARY

WAR

Monday 8 July: Three more RUC men are injured, this time in a bomb attack in Dunmurray on the outskirts of West Belfast. The IRA triggers the lure the RUC men to the scene.

Thursday 11 July: There are heavy gunbattles in the New Lodge area when IRA active service units, mobilised to provide protection against Loyalist incursions, are forced into firing at a mob of several hundred Loyalists attempting to enter the nationalist enclave. Having seen off the Loyalists, the IRA units have to rebuff RUC and British Army contingents which are trying to invade the area - gunfire exchanges continue for over an hour before local people and IRA volunteers engage members of the Parachute Regiment in hand-to-hand fighting. Later that evening, IRA volunteers fire 50 rounds at a massive RUC mobile and foot patrol which emerges from North Queen Street barracks. The RUC retreats back inside and shortly afterwards three ambulances arrive.

Friday 12 July: A court in the Dutch town of Roermond throws out charges of IRA membership against Gerard Harte, Sean Hick, Paul Hughes and Donna Maguire. Harte is released, while the others are held for extradition to Germany. Harte flew back to Dublin where he was arrested and held for 24 hours before being released without charge. Tuesday 16 July: Sean Hick and Paul Hughes are extradited to Germany. Donna Maguire appeals to the Dutch supreme court against her extradition. Anglo-Irish Conference meets in Dublin - Ian Paisley comes down to demonstrate. Thursday 18 July: Three RUC men are injured when an IRA active service unit throws two impact grenades at the RUC's Strand Road headquarters in Derry. The IPLO kill a part-time member of the Royal Naval Reserve in Belfast. Friday 19 July: The IRA kills a man from Cooley, Co Louth who, it says, has been passing information about republican activities to the garda special branch for several years.

A Catholic taxi driver is killed by gunfire as he waits at traffic lights on the edge of West Belfast. The man, Thomas Hughes, has been repeatedly harassed and threatened by British Crown forces. The day before, an RUC man threatened his life in a confrontation on the Falls Road. The shooting takes place in clear view of the British Army observation post on top of the Divis Tower. Monday 23 July: AUDR soldier has a lucky escape when the bomb under his car is discovered as he drives into his barracks at Dungannon, Co Tuesday 23 July: It is announced that the UDR is going to be incorporated into the Royal Irish Rangers (which has a minority of Southern Catholics in its ranks). The "new' regiment will be known as the Royal Irish Regiment (RIR).

Friday 26 July: Three members of a British Army foot patrol are injured by an impact grenade thrown by an

IRA volunteer in South Belfast.

Saturday 27 July: Loyalist paramilitaries claimed responsibility for a series of firebombs which exploded in shops, pubs and restaurants in the Irish Republic, in Dublin, Dundalk, Dunleer, and Sligo.

Sunday 28 July: Northern nationalists win a significant victory when 1000 people join a demonstration by the Right to March campaign which proceeds from the nationalist Ormeau Road area to Belfast City Hall. It is the first time in 70 years that the British security forces have allowed nationalists to march to the centre of Belfast.

Monday 29 July: Adrian Hopkins, skipper of the Eksund which had been stopped by the French navy enroute from Libya to Ireland with a cargo of arms for the IRA, is sent to prison for three years by a Dublin court. One of the reasons given for the relatively lenient sentence is that he had been motivated by the prospect of financial gain rather than political beliefs. Wednesday 31 July: Six members of Saturday 10 August: Jim Carson, the Parachute Regiment are charged over the killings of two teenagers, Karen Reilly and Martin Peake, and the wounding of Markievicz Gorman who were joy-riding in a stolen car.

The soldiers have been charged with murder, attempted murder, and attempting to pervert the course of justice. Friday 2 August: Four RUC men sustain serious injuries when their armoured vehicle, which is travelling along the Antrim Road in North Belfast, is blasted by a single improvised grenade device.

A man survives a sectarian murder attempt in Lisburn when a Loyalist opens fire on him as he rides his motorbike. Saturday 3 August: Three British Army bases come under attack in IRA operations in Co Down, Co Armagh and Belfast. The IRA use grenades, mortar bombs, and an RPG-7 rocket. One British soldier receives blast injuries. Fighting breaks out in the nationalist Short Strand in East Belfast in the early hours of the morning when a 70-strong Loyalist mob rampage through the area. Local residents come out of their homes and through the window from about four eventually force the Loyalists to flee. feet, but the gun jams and the Monday 5 August: The IRA fires on gunman runs off.

Cappagh in County Tyrone, killing the sole occupant. They later identify their target as an active member of the o7 3 Tyrone Ulster Volunteer Force. A minibus bringing women and children to visit their relatives in Long Kesh is fired on at Loughgilly on the main Newry to Armagh road.

Two women are injured in the attack which republicans suspect resulted from collusion between the RUC and the Loyalist death squad. Earlier in the day, the van had been stopped and the driver questioned about where he was going. It was then followed by an RUC vehicle until a few miles before the attack took place.

Friday 9 August: The IRA shoot dead a man on the outskirts of Derry, who they say was an active member of the UFF. Three RUC men are injured in Ardoyne, North Belfast when their landrover is hit by an IRA grenade.

the owner of the 7-Eleven shop in the Falls Road, is shot dead behind the counter by Loyalists because his shop sold copies of An Phoblacht/Republican News. In claiming the murder the Loyalists issue a warning that any newsagents openly selling the paper will be targeted. Sunday 11 August: Belfast sees one of the biggest republican marches for many years when tens of thousands came onto the streets to mark the ten years of struggle since the H-Block hunger-strikes, and twenty years of struggle since internment.

Monday 12 August: In what the republican movement calls a classic case of collusion between Loyalist death squads and British Crown forces, a Sinn Fein election worker Padraig O'Seanachain, whose personal details had been leaked by security forces, is shot dead at Killen outside Castlederg in north-west Tyrone. Wednesday 14 August: A North Belfast Sinn Fein election worker has a lucky escape when a murder attempt on him goes wrong. While he is watching TV in his front room, someone aims a weapon at him a car on the outskirts of the village of Thursday 15 August: A local man is accidentally killed in an IRA operation against the British Army in West Belfast. James Woods walks into the path of a grenade thrown at British soldiers by the IRA unit.

Friday 16 August: Tommy Donaghy, a 38-year old Sinn Fein activist and former member of the IRA, is shot dead by Loyalists near his home village of Kilrea in Co Derry. He was interned in the early 70s and later did 11 years in Long Kesh, being released in 1988.

Hours later, 28-year old Martin O'Prey, a member of the IPLO, is killed by a Loyalist gunman at his home in the Lower Falls area of Belfast. That same evening and early on Saturday morning, nationalists escape two sectarian murder attempts in the New Lodge Road and Old Park areas when the Loyalist killers' guns jam.

An impact grenade is thrown by IRA volunteers at a group of RUC personnel who are firing plastic bullets from behind railings in Belfast's North Queen Street.

Saturday 17 August: A British soldier attached to the Coldstream Guards is killed in a massive landmine explosion in woods near Cullyhanna, South Armagh.

While dealing with 50 hoax bomb alerts in Belfast, British soldiers and RUC personnel come under attack from the IRA. An explosive device is also thrown at Ballynafeigh barracks in East Belfast. Tuesday 20 August: Hundreds of Crown forces personnel carrying digging equipment move into nationalist areas of Castlederg, Co Tyrone and begin entering nationalist homes in one of the most extensive search operations in recent years. They continue at first light the next day. Thursday 22 August: Kilrea barracks in north Derry is damaged when a 500lb van bomb explodes outside in the early hours.

Two RUC men receive blast injuries when grenades are thrown at Drunmurray barracks in Co Antrim.

In North Belfast, the IRA shoot and wound a man it says was a leading member of the UVF. Irish Freedom Autumn 1991 23

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SIMON NORFOLK

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